Jacques Bidet's theory of modernity is a fascinating research project which confronts us in a challenging way with a series of key theoretical & practical problems. The text focuses on the concepts of metastructure, domination, class & democracy. The most important concept is "metastructure," which is to be perceived as all coordination & legitimation resources (on the economic, legal-political & cultural levels -- the overcoming of any transcendental order) at the disposal of the citizens of modernity. These resources can be combined in several different ways, in varied structures of modernity. How are we to understand the ontological status of this metastructure? A full answer confronts us with another question: is it possible to offer a scientific explanation of the genesis of this modern (meta)structure? Thus, if metastructure is some sort of general grammar of modernity, the social structures are an actualization of the possibilities of metastructure according to the spectrum ranging from the extreme of planned collectivism to the extreme of liberistic capitalism. Consequently, the duality of modernity is manifest in the fact that it is characterized, on the one hand, by universalistic legitimacy and, on the other, by the persistence of forms of (class) domination. According to Bidet, in capitalism a dominant class will be established with two poles -- property & competence -- which correspond to the interlinkage of market & organization in such a form of society. For this reason, an attempt to achieve emancipation from the domination of the proprietor, in the case of planned collectivism, developing to the full the organizational dimension in order to satisfy the social needs in a more egalitarian way, necessarily results in the organizer's domination. But the thesis that the dominant class in capitalism has two poles (property & competence) is met with the objection that simultaneously too much & not enough is said about the second pole of this class (of managers). Namely, it remains unclear how we must think the unity of capitalist domination in the plurality of spheres of social power; & if, on the contrary, we must abandon this unity, why should we limit ourselves to only two poles? The author concludes with a discussion of two questions which he deems to be decisive: to what extent can the inequalities related to property or competence be designated as class relations or forms of domination? And what is the relation between various modalities of class relations or relations of domination, & the institutions of modern poliarchic democracy which is centered on the multi-party system? Adapted from the source document.
Globalizacija kao proces povezivanja svijeta na gospodarskoj, političkoj, kulturalnoj i ekološkoj razini započeo je s idejom ostvarenja mira, sigurnosti i stabilnosti u svijetu te gospodarskog boljitka svih. Razvojem i jačanjem multinacionalnih kompanija osnovna ideja pokretanja procesa globalizacije je zamijenjena drugim najvažnijim ciljem, ostvarivanjem profita. Pod utjecajem globalnih procesa i integracija osnovane su brojne međunarodne i regionalne organizacije. Europska unija kao jedna od najznačajnijih regionalnih organizacija predstavlja ujedinjenje europskih zemalja na temeljima gospodarske suradnje. Njezina opstojnost, gospodarski razvoj i stabilnost ovisi o međusobnoj suradnji i međuovisnosti njezinih zemalja članica te suradnji njezinih institucija s ostalim regionalnim, međunarodnim i gospodarskim organizacijama. ; Globalization as a process of connecting the world on an economic, political, cultural and environmental level began with the idea of achieving peace, security and stability in the world and the economic well-being of all. With the development and strengthening of multinational companies, the basic idea of starting the process of globalization has been replaced by the second most important goal, making a profit. Under the influence of global processes and integration, numerous international and regional organizations have been established. The European Union, as one of the most important regional organizations, represents the unification of European countries on the basis of economic cooperation. Its survival, economic development and stability of interdependence on mutual cooperation and interdependence of its member states and cooperation of its institutions with other regional, international and economic organizations.
Globalizacija kao proces povezivanja svijeta na gospodarskoj, političkoj, kulturalnoj i ekološkoj razini započeo je s idejom ostvarenja mira, sigurnosti i stabilnosti u svijetu te gospodarskog boljitka svih. Razvojem i jačanjem multinacionalnih kompanija osnovna ideja pokretanja procesa globalizacije je zamijenjena drugim najvažnijim ciljem, ostvarivanjem profita. Pod utjecajem globalnih procesa i integracija osnovane su brojne međunarodne i regionalne organizacije. Europska unija kao jedna od najznačajnijih regionalnih organizacija predstavlja ujedinjenje europskih zemalja na temeljima gospodarske suradnje. Njezina opstojnost, gospodarski razvoj i stabilnost ovisi o međusobnoj suradnji i međuovisnosti njezinih zemalja članica te suradnji njezinih institucija s ostalim regionalnim, međunarodnim i gospodarskim organizacijama. ; Globalization as a process of connecting the world on an economic, political, cultural and environmental level began with the idea of achieving peace, security and stability in the world and the economic well-being of all. With the development and strengthening of multinational companies, the basic idea of starting the process of globalization has been replaced by the second most important goal, making a profit. Under the influence of global processes and integration, numerous international and regional organizations have been established. The European Union, as one of the most important regional organizations, represents the unification of European countries on the basis of economic cooperation. Its survival, economic development and stability of interdependence on mutual cooperation and interdependence of its member states and cooperation of its institutions with other regional, international and economic organizations.
Suradnja EU–a i Rusije pruža europskom kontinentu i šire mnoge prilike. Istočno partnerstvo predstavlja glavnu poveznicu ali i područje prepreka Rusije i EU–a jer dijele zajedničko susjedstvo sa zemljama koje nisu članice EU–a a niti žele biti pod kontinuiranim utjecajem Rusije. Za zemlje koje nisu članice EU–a, EU je razvila Europsku politiku susjedstva putem koje surađuje sa južnim i istočnim susjedima kako bi postigla blisku i stabilnu političku zajednicu i najviši mogući stupanj ekonomske integracije. Rusija nije članica ovog instrumenta već je s EU-om razvila četiri zajednička prostora, ekonomski prostor, prostor slobode, sigurnosti i pravde, prostor vanjske sigurnosti i prostor istraživanja i obrazovanja te kulturnih aspekata. Najvažnija područja suradnje EU–a i Rusije jesu ona u energetskom sektoru pri kojem ima usuglašen Akcijski plan do 2050. godine te suradnja u području znanosti, tehnologije i inovacija što je među glavnim prioritetima Europe 2020 te je Rusiji bitno i jačanje razvoja istraživačke infrastrukture. ; Cooperation between European Union and Russia offers plenty opportunities to European continent and beyond its boundaries. Eastern Partnership is the main connection but also a barrier of Russia and EU because of their common neighbourhood with countries which are not members of the EU, and also do not want to be under continuous Russian influence. For countries that are not members of the EU, European Union developed European Neighbourhood Policy which cooperates with South and East neighbours so it could achieve close and sustainable political community and the highest possible level of economic integration. Russia is not a member of this instrument but instead it developed four common spaces with EU, economic space, freedom, security and justice, external security and research and education, including cultural aspects. The most important areas of cooperation between the two sides are the one in energy sector with established Roadmap until 2050, cooperation in science, technology and ...
Utemeljen na polazištima kritički orijentiranih sigurnosnih studija i studija terorizma, rad propituje metodološke, epistemološke pa i ontološke aspekte fenomena državnog terorizma. Tvrdi se kako je državni terorizam sustavno zanemareno područje znanja o terorizmu, iako je empirijski vrlo evidentan fenomen. U prvom dijelu rada propituje se klasična i suvremena politološka, sociološka, pravna i filozofska misao važna za razumijevanje države, sigurnosti, terorizma i državnog terorizma. Počevši od Weberove definicije države kao nositeljice monopola na nasilje i njegova koncepta razlikovanja vladavine (Herrschaft) i sile (Macht) tvrdi se da monopol na silu ne podrazumijeva korištenje svakog oblika sile i da država ne može biti ekskulpirana u situacijama kada koristi silu koja ima sva obilježja terorizma. Upravo za ključnim obilježjima terorizma traga se u drugom dijelu rada gdje se analizira postojeće znanje o terorizmu i državnom terorizmu. Na temelju postojećih definicija koje čine bazu od ukupno 373 definicije, sadržajnom i frekvencijskom analizom, dolazi se do operacionalne definicije terorizma i državnog terorizma. Izlučenih šest konstitutivnih elemenata terorizma ukazali su da je državni terorizam organizirana upotreba sile i nasilja ili prijetnja upotrebom nasilja kojom se posredstvom intencionalnog širenja straha odnosno terora, a na temelju anticipiranih reakcija širih psiholoških učinaka, nastoje ostvariti politički ciljevi, a kojega provodi i/ili sponzorira država. U fokusiranoj studiji s mnogo slučajeva u trećem dijelu analizira se državni terorizam na empirijskim primjerima dvadeset i jedne države (N=21). Slučajevi su selektirani na stogodišnjem dijakronijskom kontinuumu, počevši od 1914. godine i sarajevskog atentata na austro-ugarskog prijestolonasljednika Franju Ferdinanda pa do recentnih primjera protuterorističkih politika. Kroz povijesnu perspektivu, komparativnom metodom uz primjenu dizajna najrazličitijih slučajeva, potvrđena je polazna pretpostavka: terorizam jest ciljno racionalno sredstvo za postizanje političkih ciljeva država i njegova je pojavnost neovisna o tipu političkog režima. Kvalitativna i kvantitativna obilježja državnog terorizma nerijetko se razlikuju kako između tako i unutar triju poduzoraka (režima), no usprkos kontekstualnim razlikama, može se utvrditi da je u totalitarnim režimima državni terorizmu ekstremnih razmjera i predstavlja važnu polugu vladavine, dok je u autoritarnima, a napose u demokratskima riječ o fokusiranijem državnom nasilju, najčešće sa specifičnim oblicima djelovanja. ; The basis of this doctoral work rests on the fact that the state terrorism is ignored in the context of mainstream security and terrorism knowledge. Security studies as well as rapidly growing terrorism studies are predominantly focused on non-state terrorism. Critical voices which indicating the importance of the state terrorism phenomenon have emerged in the mid-1990s. Based on the starting points of critically oriented security studies and terrorism studies, this work analyzes the methodological, epistemological and even ontological aspects of the phenomenon of state terrorism. It is argued that the state terrorism is systematically neglected area of knowledge, although it is very evident phenomenon. In the first part of this doctoral work the classical and the contemporary political, social, philosophical thought and jurisprudence important for the understanding of the state security, terrorism and state terrorism have been examined. Max Weber's concept of the state and difference between legitimate domination (Herrschaft) and coercive power (Macht) in the exercise of sovereign state functions is at the center of theoretical discussions. We claim that this distinction remained outside of much Western scholarship. Their concepts are based on logic of what the state and its relations to society should be not what it is. In contrast to this mainstream normative oriented model we examine the empirical reality which is laden of state terrorism examples. Therefore, the second part of this work is dedicated to analysis of existing knowledge about terrorism and state terrorism. The emphasis is on the definitions of terrorism, so for this purpose the database of 373 terrorism definitions was constructed. Definitions collected from the scientific and academic sources, the expert sources, the available official sources of various institutions and organizations, news, etc. were subjected to content and frequency analysis. Those analyses indicated six key elements used for defining state terrorism, which is relevant to the selection of empirical cases. It is found that the state terrorism is the use of organized force and violence or threat to use violence as a means of intentional spreading fear and terror based on the anticipated reactions of broader psychological effects which seeks to achieve political objectives and which is conducted and/or sponsored by the state. It is not an ideology, but the strategy and tactic that can be used by all, including the states. Despite the fact that the most of the definitios are actor-neutral and that their contents coincide, there is no unified definition. According to such understanding, the third part is a focused study with a lot of cases (N=21) where the unit of analysis was state terrorism and analytical sub-units were states (cases) selected from the one century time span (1914th-2014th) complemented with the most recent cases (until the end of 2016th). Thus, it is a diachronic analysis (cross-historical analysis). Since the selected cases differ in several relevant independent variables (social, economic, geographic, cultural) the comparative analysis is based on the most different systems research designs. The basic criterion of comparison was the regime (totalitarian, authoritarian and democratic) in accordance with the tipology of Juan Linz. The main aim of such typology and case selection was to test the general thesis: terrorism is an integral instrument of state action that occurs in all types of political regimes and which states used/use as a form of rational choice to achieve their goals. The third part includes political and sociological analysis of primary and secondary sources for each case (state). The analysis of state terrorism included Italy during Mussolini, Nazi Germany, Lenin and Stalin Russia/Soviet Union, communist Poland, Mao Zednog's China, North Korea regime and Idi Amin's Uganda as a totalitarian regimes. The second group of states are, according to Linz proposal, authoritarian regimes. Here is a Serbian example of state sponsored terrorism in Sarajevo 1914 and assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand. Another example is Yugoslavia from the mid of 1960 even if it is not purely clear is it predominantly totalitarian or authoritarian regime. Other examples are the rule of Francisco Franco in Spain, death squad in Argentina, Gaddafi's Libya, the rule of Shah Reza Pahlavi in Iran and Suadi Arabia sponsoring of terrorism. Within a democratic cluster the United States of America, Israel, United Kingdom, France, Russian Federation, modern Turkey and Macedonia were analysed. The main findings in turn suggest that the state terrorism was/is practiced in totalitarian, authoritarian and democratic systems, was/is used in war or peace, was/is used by the rich and the poor countries of different cultural, political, economic, geographic and other features. In other words, terrorism is an universal form of state action, but the specific context of each of the analyzed cases does not provide the right to generalize or compare countries according to the basic independent variables - the type of regime. Divided societies and various social cleavages like political (ideological), ethnic, cultural, language, religious, economic and other are evident in the most of the internal state terrorism cases. Although the contexts of countries are quite heterogeneous, in each case analyzed rationality is a common feature of state terrorism. Statet are trying to achieve political goals in the most effective way, what is decisively for using a specific form of violence or threats of violence that we call terrorism. Although it is one of the most frequently used terms in the social sciences, it is evident that terrorism is not conceptually cleared. It is deeply socially constructed concept which depends on a variety of interests. This also affects the contemporary counterterrorism policy. Within the science and policy, terrorism is predominantly viewed as a war and/or criminal. Terrorism is not treated as a phenomenon that is generated from the political area and counterterrorism policies do not target the real causes of terrorism. The perspective of terrorism as a war and crime which is imposed by politics that cooperates with science, leads to a spiral of violence. Illegal and immoral state counterterrorism actions lead to the even more brutal reactions of non-state groups. This trend is especially noticeable from September 9/11 when the "war on terror" started. From this moment it is especially evident that in the name of national security, the degradation of democratic values and endangering human rights and civil liberties have begun. This is best reflected in the new security policies, counterterrorism laws and the state of emergency institute. Also, the democratic deficits are obvious in the examples of interventions in other countries. Illegal character of the war in Iraq shows that international law is not a guarantee nor law nor justice. Those are some contemporary examples of state illegal actions which could be classified as state terrorism in democratic states, but the history is full of state terrorism evidence. Totalitarian and authoritarian regimes in the 20th century, as well as some actual examples, suggesting that the scientific community is biased and ignores the important historical facts as well as contemporary trends. By securitization of terrorism concept, the state harnessed science to its own interest – first of all creating counterterrorism policies. Instrumented science can act only within the limits defined by the state. The main characteristic of the joint state and scientific activity is hypocrisy where identical phenomena do not have identical names. State and science are taking a morally superior position, so state terrorist actions are called "necessary security measures", and terrorism as a pejorative term is reserved only for non-state actors. Further scientific and political ignoring of state terrorism topic, denying a unique definition of terrorism, refusing the recognition of state crimes that fall into the category of terrorism and insistence on counterterrorism as war strategy only feeds the modern evil of non-state terrorism. As long as there is not a change of paradigm in which the force will be firmly under the auspices of the law and policy of double standards will not exist, it is not realistic to expect that the state will eliminate the problem of contemporary non-state terrorism.
Suradnja EU–a i Rusije pruža europskom kontinentu i šire mnoge prilike. Istočno partnerstvo predstavlja glavnu poveznicu ali i područje prepreka Rusije i EU–a jer dijele zajedničko susjedstvo sa zemljama koje nisu članice EU–a a niti žele biti pod kontinuiranim utjecajem Rusije. Za zemlje koje nisu članice EU–a, EU je razvila Europsku politiku susjedstva putem koje surađuje sa južnim i istočnim susjedima kako bi postigla blisku i stabilnu političku zajednicu i najviši mogući stupanj ekonomske integracije. Rusija nije članica ovog instrumenta već je s EU-om razvila četiri zajednička prostora, ekonomski prostor, prostor slobode, sigurnosti i pravde, prostor vanjske sigurnosti i prostor istraživanja i obrazovanja te kulturnih aspekata. Najvažnija područja suradnje EU–a i Rusije jesu ona u energetskom sektoru pri kojem ima usuglašen Akcijski plan do 2050. godine te suradnja u području znanosti, tehnologije i inovacija što je među glavnim prioritetima Europe 2020 te je Rusiji bitno i jačanje razvoja istraživačke infrastrukture. ; Cooperation between European Union and Russia offers plenty opportunities to European continent and beyond its boundaries. Eastern Partnership is the main connection but also a barrier of Russia and EU because of their common neighbourhood with countries which are not members of the EU, and also do not want to be under continuous Russian influence. For countries that are not members of the EU, European Union developed European Neighbourhood Policy which cooperates with South and East neighbours so it could achieve close and sustainable political community and the highest possible level of economic integration. Russia is not a member of this instrument but instead it developed four common spaces with EU, economic space, freedom, security and justice, external security and research and education, including cultural aspects. The most important areas of cooperation between the two sides are the one in energy sector with established Roadmap until 2050, cooperation in science, technology and innovation which is included as the main priority of Europe 2020 and it is also important the development of the research infrastructure in Russia.
Vanjska trgovima ima veliki značaj u gospodarstvu svake zemlje. Bez vanjske trgovine zemlja ne bi mogla biti konkurentna na svjetskom tržištu i ostvarivati devizna sredstva. Pitanje odnosa Turske i Europske unije kao nositelja europskog integracijskog procesa predmet je političkog i geostrateškog spora koji traje više od pedeset godina. Primarni razlozi za uporne zahtjeve Turske za priključenjem Europskoj uniji su, među ostalim, brojni Turci u Europi i važnost trgovine između njih. Turska je, međutim, također sve više razočarana široko rasprostranjenim protivljenjem njenom pristupanju među zemljama članicama EU. Čimbenici odnosa Republike Turske i Europske unije su : demografski aspekti, sociološke i kulturološke razlike, pristupni kriteriji, ekonomski aspekti i politički problemi. U posljednja dva desetljeća carinska unija EU-Turska bila je okosnica okvira bilateralne trgovine. Za to vrijeme Turska je postala petom glavnom trgovinom s EU na globalnoj razini s vrijednošću bilateralne trgovine robom od 140 milijardi eura u 2017. godini. Slično tome, EU je najvažniji trgovinski partner Turske, koja predstavlja 41% Turske globalne trgovine. ; Foreign trade has great significance in the economy of each country. Without foreign trade the country could not be competitive on the world market and realize foreign currency assets. The question of the relationship between Turkey and the European Union as the bearer of the European integration process is the subject of a political and geostrategic dispute that lasts more than fifty years. The main reasons for persistent Turkey's demands for joining the European Union are, among other things, many Turks in Europe and the importance of trade between them. Turkey, however, is also increasingly disappointed with the widespread opposition to its accession among EU member states. Factors of the relationship between the Republic of Turkey and the European Union are: demographic aspects, sociological and cultural differences, access to critique, economic aspects and political ...
Vanjska trgovima ima veliki značaj u gospodarstvu svake zemlje. Bez vanjske trgovine zemlja ne bi mogla biti konkurentna na svjetskom tržištu i ostvarivati devizna sredstva. Pitanje odnosa Turske i Europske unije kao nositelja europskog integracijskog procesa predmet je političkog i geostrateškog spora koji traje više od pedeset godina. Primarni razlozi za uporne zahtjeve Turske za priključenjem Europskoj uniji su, među ostalim, brojni Turci u Europi i važnost trgovine između njih. Turska je, međutim, također sve više razočarana široko rasprostranjenim protivljenjem njenom pristupanju među zemljama članicama EU. Čimbenici odnosa Republike Turske i Europske unije su : demografski aspekti, sociološke i kulturološke razlike, pristupni kriteriji, ekonomski aspekti i politički problemi. U posljednja dva desetljeća carinska unija EU-Turska bila je okosnica okvira bilateralne trgovine. Za to vrijeme Turska je postala petom glavnom trgovinom s EU na globalnoj razini s vrijednošću bilateralne trgovine robom od 140 milijardi eura u 2017. godini. Slično tome, EU je najvažniji trgovinski partner Turske, koja predstavlja 41% Turske globalne trgovine. ; Foreign trade has great significance in the economy of each country. Without foreign trade the country could not be competitive on the world market and realize foreign currency assets. The question of the relationship between Turkey and the European Union as the bearer of the European integration process is the subject of a political and geostrategic dispute that lasts more than fifty years. The main reasons for persistent Turkey's demands for joining the European Union are, among other things, many Turks in Europe and the importance of trade between them. Turkey, however, is also increasingly disappointed with the widespread opposition to its accession among EU member states. Factors of the relationship between the Republic of Turkey and the European Union are: demographic aspects, sociological and cultural differences, access to critique, economic aspects and political ...
U ovome se članku kontrastivno analiziraju odabrani hrvatski i engleski frazemi leksičkog polja onima. Riječ je o frazemima kojima je sastavnicom vlastito ime, odnosno toponim, etnonim ili antroponim. Cilj je rada bio provesti kontrastivnu analizu navedenih frazema da bi se utvrdile podudarnosti, sličnosti i razlike hrvatske i engleske onimijske frazeologije. Također se u odnos stavljaju dvije kulture različite prošlosti i sociolingvističke pozadine, jedne anglosaksonske, druge slavenske. Polazište analize su hrvatski frazemi za koje se tražilo izrazne i/ili sadržajne ekvivalente. Kontrastivnom su analizom frazemi podijeljeni u tri skupine kroz koje se uočavaju njihove podudarnosti i različitosti, odnosno daje se pregled posebnosti dvaju frazeoloških fondova uvjetovanih kulturološkom, socijalnom, političkom, povijesnom ili nekom drugom značajkom. ; In this paper we analyse Croatian and English phrasemes with an onymic component, which can either have a status of a toponym, an ethnonym, or an anthroponym. The aim of the paper is to determine the similarities and the differences between Croatian and English onymic phrasemes using contrastive analysis. Additionally, Croatian and English are observed as two spatially and genealogically distant languages. This is done in order to identify the differences and peculiarities conditioned by cultural, social, political, historical or some other features. This paper compares two cultures with different histories and sociolinguistic backgrounds, one Anglo-Saxon, the other Slavic. The analysis has shown that phrasemes with onymic components can be divided into three groups. The first group consists of corresponding Croatian and English onymic phrasemes, which means both phrasemes contain an identical proper name, lexically as well as structurally equal phrase, and the same motivation for the figurative meaning, i.e. background. The second group consists of phrasemes that contain an identical proper name but are partially different in phrase structure. The last group consists ...
U ljetnim mjesecima 1905. godine skupina demokratski usmjerenih varaždinskih studenata utemeljila je Hrvatski akademski ferijalni klub Fidelitas koji je 1907. promijenio naziv u Tomislav. Svrha ovog kluba bila je razvijanje društvenosti i širenje prosvjete među članstvom i širim slojevima pučanstva. U sljedećih desetak godina klub je razvio bogatu i sustavnu aktivnost na tri ključna područja, pri priređivanju kulturno-zabavnih programa, pučkih javnih predavanja i održavanju tečajeva za opismenjavanje. Kako bi privukli pozornost varaždinske javnosti, sveučilištarci su tijekom božićnih i uskršnjih praznika, maksimalno koristeći slobodno vrijeme svojih članova, od samog početka priređivali Dramatske večeri, glazbeno-literarne programe, tzv. jour fixe, pučke ljetne zabave, plesne vjenčiće i koncerte. Njihovim priređivanjem oni su pridonosili kulturnom i društvenom životu i osiguravali sredstva potrebna za humanitarni rad i održavanje ostalih svojih aktivnosti. Priređivanjem pučkih javnih predavanja sveučilištarci su među građanstvom nastojali predstaviti i popularizirati postignuća raznih područja znanosti i umjetnosti kako bi se općenito podigla razina obrazovanosti stanovništva. Zahvaljujući organizacijskim teškoćama i idejno-političkim nesuglasicama s lokalnim vlastima, ova se aktivnost svela na svega nekoliko priređenih predavanja tijekom 1907. i 1908. godine. Daleko uspješnija bila je aktivnost suzbijanja nepismenosti. U tu svrhu redovito su organizirani analfabetski tečajevi, a termini njihovog održavanja s vremenom su usklađeni s prekidima u akademskoj godini pa se obično zimski tečaj organizirao preko božićnih, dok se proljetni tečaj održavao tijekom uskrsnih praznika. Uobičajeno vrijeme podučavanja svodilo se na nekoliko tjedana i obično se održavalo u prostorima varaždinskih pučkih škola. Pouka je za polaznike bila besplatna jer je sve troškove pokrivao akademski klub. Premda su nastojali zadržati političku neutralnost, varaždinski sveučilištarci su se uključili u pripremu i organizaciju masovnog učeničkog štrajka protiv bana Slavka Cuvaja 1912. godine. Uz podršku Hrvatskog akademskog ferijalnog kluba Tomislav uslijedio je jednodnevni učenički štrajk upozorenja 14. ožujka i priključivanje varaždinske mladeži generalnom štrajku hrvatske mladeži 19. ožujka 1912. godine. Zabranom djelovanja svih udruga koja je nastupila s početkom Prvog svjetskog rata, klub je nažalost, prekinuo svoju legalnu aktivnost na nekoliko sljedećih godina. ; In summer months of 1905 a group of Varaždin democrat students founded the Croatian Academic Youth Club Fidelitas which was later renamed as Tomislav in 1907. The purpose of the club was the development of social activities and the promotion of teaching activities amongst its members and general public. In the following ten years the club developed a rich and systematic activity on three different levels: the organization of cultural and entertainment events, the organization of non-academic public lectures and offering literacy courses. In order to attract the attention of Varaždin public, academicians used to spend their free time during the Christmas and Easter holidays by organizing Drama nights, musical and literary programs, the so-called jour fixe, folk summer parties, regency dances and concerts. Through the organization of the mentioned events they made a contribution to the cultural and social life, as well as provided the means necessary for humanitarian activity and the organization of all other activities. The purpose of giving public non-academic lectures was to introduce the general public to new advances in various fields of science and art, in order to raise general level of education of the population. As a consequence of organizational difficulties as well as political and ideological conflicts with the local authorities, the mentioned activity was eventually reduced to only several organized lectures throughout 1907 and 1908. However, the literacy improvement activity was far more successful. In order to improve literacy, the academicians organized regular courses for the illiterate people, and eventually they managed to run the courses during the academic breaks. Therefore, winter courses were normally given during Christmas break and the spring courses during Easter breaks. The usual duration of the course was several weeks and the course was normally held in Varaždin public schools. The courses were free of charge for the students because all the expenses were covered by the Academic club. Despite the fact that they were trying to stay politically neutral, Varaždin academicians were engaged in the preparation and organization of massive student strike against viceroy Slavko Cuvaj in 1912. Supported by Croatian Academic Youth Club Tomislav, a one-day student strike was held on March the 14th and the Varaždin youth joined the general strike of Croatian youth which was held on the 19th of March, 1912. Following the official ban of all associations that was introduced at the onset of World War I, unfortunately the club had to suspend all legal activities for a couple of years.In order to attract the attention of Varaždin public, academicians used to spend their free time during the Christmas and Easter holidays by organizing Drama nights, musical and literary programs, the so-called jour fixe, folk summer parties, regency dances and concerts. Through the organization of the mentioned events they made a contribution to the cultural and social life, as well as provided the means necessary for humanitarian activity and the organization of all other activities. The purpose of giving public non-academic lectures was to introduce the general public to new advances in various fields of science and art, in order to raise general level of education of the population. As a consequence of organizational difficulties as well as political and ideological conflicts with the local authorities, the mentioned activity was eventually reduced to only several organized lectures throughout 1907 and 1908. However, the literacy improvement activity was far more successful. In order to improve literacy, the academicians organized regular courses for the illiterate people, and eventually they managed to run the courses during the academic breaks. Therefore, winter courses were normally given during Christmas break and the spring courses during Easter breaks. The usual duration of the course was several weeks and the course was normally held in Varaždin public schools. The courses were free of charge for the students because all the expenses were covered by the Academic club. Despite the fact that they were trying to stay politically neutral, Varaždin academicians were engaged in the preparation and organization of massive student strike against viceroy Slavko Cuvaj in 1912. Supported by Croatian Academic Youth Club Tomislav, a one-day student strike was held on March the 14th and the Varaždin youth joined the general strike of Croatian youth which was held on the 19th of March, 1912. Following the official ban of all associations that was introduced at the onset of World War I, unfortunately the club had to suspend all legal activities for a couple of years.
Predmet je diplomskog rada poslovno pregovaranje u afričkim zemljama. Poslovno pregovaranje složen je i dugotrajan proces u kojem dvije pregovaračke strane nastoje postići određeni poslovni sporazum. Međunarodno poslovno pregovaranje složenije je od poslovnog pregovaranja koje se vodi unutar državnih granica jer na taj proces utječu različiti čimbenici, koje treba uzeti u obzir kako bi poslovno pregovaranje završilo uspješno. U procesu poslovnog pregovaranja kulture se razlikuju prema tome koji im je cilj pregovaranja, prema pregovaračkom stavu, stilu pregovaranja, verbalnoj i neverbalnoj komunikaciji, vremenskoj dimenziji pregovaranja, korištenju emocija, obliku ugovora i njegovim elementima, donošenju odluke u pregovaračkom timu te u preuzimanju rizika. U radu se daje komparativni prikaz kulturoloških razlika u međunarodnom poslovnom pregovaranju u zemljama Sjeverne Afrike (Alžir, Egipat i Maroko) te zemljama Subsaharske Afrike (Nigerija, Južnoafrička Republika i Kenija) prema komunikacijskim i kulturološkim razlikama. Na temelju komparacije načina poslovnog pregovaranja u tim afričkim zemljama može se zaključiti da postoje razlike između zemalja Sjeverne Afrike i zemalja Subsaharske Afrike, ali i među afričkim državama pojedinačno. Poslovni pregovarači trebaju poznavati komunikacijske i kulturološke razlike jer u suprotnom poslovni pregovori mogu biti prekinuti te se može narušiti poslovni ugled pregovarača i organizacije koju zastupa. ; The subjects of this paper is business negotiation in African countries. Business negotiation is a complex and lengthy process in which two negotiating parties are trying to achieve certain business agreement. International business negotiation is more complex process than business negotiation which is lead within national borders because it is influenced by various factors that should be taken into account so that business negotiation can be completed successfully. In the process of negotiating, cultural differences are visible with regard to the aim of negotiating, ...
Predmet je diplomskog rada poslovno pregovaranje u afričkim zemljama. Poslovno pregovaranje složen je i dugotrajan proces u kojem dvije pregovaračke strane nastoje postići određeni poslovni sporazum. Međunarodno poslovno pregovaranje složenije je od poslovnog pregovaranja koje se vodi unutar državnih granica jer na taj proces utječu različiti čimbenici, koje treba uzeti u obzir kako bi poslovno pregovaranje završilo uspješno. U procesu poslovnog pregovaranja kulture se razlikuju prema tome koji im je cilj pregovaranja, prema pregovaračkom stavu, stilu pregovaranja, verbalnoj i neverbalnoj komunikaciji, vremenskoj dimenziji pregovaranja, korištenju emocija, obliku ugovora i njegovim elementima, donošenju odluke u pregovaračkom timu te u preuzimanju rizika. U radu se daje komparativni prikaz kulturoloških razlika u međunarodnom poslovnom pregovaranju u zemljama Sjeverne Afrike (Alžir, Egipat i Maroko) te zemljama Subsaharske Afrike (Nigerija, Južnoafrička Republika i Kenija) prema komunikacijskim i kulturološkim razlikama. Na temelju komparacije načina poslovnog pregovaranja u tim afričkim zemljama može se zaključiti da postoje razlike između zemalja Sjeverne Afrike i zemalja Subsaharske Afrike, ali i među afričkim državama pojedinačno. Poslovni pregovarači trebaju poznavati komunikacijske i kulturološke razlike jer u suprotnom poslovni pregovori mogu biti prekinuti te se može narušiti poslovni ugled pregovarača i organizacije koju zastupa. ; The subjects of this paper is business negotiation in African countries. Business negotiation is a complex and lengthy process in which two negotiating parties are trying to achieve certain business agreement. International business negotiation is more complex process than business negotiation which is lead within national borders because it is influenced by various factors that should be taken into account so that business negotiation can be completed successfully. In the process of negotiating, cultural differences are visible with regard to the aim of negotiating, ...
In this paper we analyze attitudes of members of the legal professions in Croatia and Serbia with regards to the judicial systems – the trust in judicial institutions and satisfaction with their performance. In the first part of the paper we present arguments of the cultural and institutional approach to explaining the foundations of trust in institutions, then define the characteristics of a "good" judiciary in the context of the democratic rule of law, and present the socio-political context of judicial reform in both countries over the last twenty years. In the second, empirical part of the paper we analyze the data collected through the online survey conducted among members of the legal professions in 2018 in Croatia and Serbia. The results from both countries show a low level of trust in judiciary and deep dissatisfaction with the functioning of judiciary on a list of dimensions. Our analysis confirms the link between (dis)trust in institutions and (dis)satisfaction with their work and thus also the assumptions of the institutional perspective on trust. We conclude that the obtained results point to an "internal" crisis of trust in judiciary in both countries, which accompanies the evident "external" crisis of the Serbian judiciary and the latent tensions in and around the Croatian judiciary. ; U radu se analizira koliko pripadnici različitih pravničkih profesija u Hrvatskoj i Srbiji imaju povjerenja u institucije pravosudnih sustava i koliko su zadovoljni funkcioniranjem njihovih važnih dijelova. U prvom dijelu rada predstavljaju se argumenti kulturalističkog i institucionalnog pristupa u objašnjenju temelja povjerenja u institucije, određuju se karakteristike "dobrog" pravosuđa u kontekstu koncepta demokratske vladavine prava i daje se društveni kontekst provedbe pravosudnih reformi u obje zemlje u posljednjih dvadesetak godina. U drugom, empirijskom dijelu rada daje se prikaz rezultata analize podataka prikupljenih online anketnim istraživanjem provedenim 2018. godine u Hrvatskoj i Srbiji. Rezultati u ...
In this article, the author relates the role of money & finances with the basic structuring of social relations. Money is the only universal form of social wealth, its measure & its meaning. Up to the present, however, the economic theory has been underestimating & overlooking money's politico-economic role. This is revealed most radically in periods of major financial & economic crises. Consequently, the author points out that today's economy of depression often depresses the economists themselves & their science. Bidet's theory of modernity, along with Habermas's, is the last large-scale attempt at theoretical explanation of the social totality, but his theoretical reconstruction of society by means of underlying "metastructures" is based on non-financial & non-monetary forms of social mediation. In contrast, the author of this article seeks to prove that precisely money & finances belong to the central metastructure of market society. What is important here is not only the subversive role of money as the monopoly-holding & political good in the exchange, but also its financial form of debt, resulting from the particular social role of debt accumulation. Society is connected with debt accumulation, & the economic sovereignty of money is its political legitimacy as debt. Therein lies its sociality, the foundation of underlying communication & of cooperation as metastructure of market society development. The present-day crisis has propelled the debt accumulation problem to absurd levels. It has brought to light that the greatest contradictions of today's market society are based on the economic & social globalization of finances. Contemporary capitalism is a genuine financial capitalism, which is why there can be no solution without a politico-economic & cultural reconstruction of the monetary regime & of financial economy. Accordingly, the author shows that the solution to the current economic crisis points precisely to the "metastructure" of market society. Adapted from the source document.
The purpose of this essay is to prove the connection among political culture, political structure, & democracy. All the arguments pointing to such a connection have been analyzed within the framework of two fundamental approaches to the relationship between culture & structure, ie, within the framework of the classical approach to their correspondence (which claims -- primarily in line with the functional theory of culture -- that there is a functional concordance between culture & structure, that democracy is mirrored by the civic political culture, ie, that "culture is a structure's way of life," that culture determines the structure) & the contemporary interactional approach (in which -- primarily in line with the theory of culture "as meaning" or "social functioning" -- complex relations among various cultural variables & structural variables are analyzed as well as their combined effect on democracy as the consequence of these relations). The latter approach considers democracy not as a "fixed condition" but rather as a dynamic phenomenon or the end result of the combined interactional relationships between culture & structure. The analysis has shown that both approaches are legitimate & useful in understanding & maintaining democracy. Of course, the interactional approaches are more complex, as well as more important & more vital for understanding democracy. The analysis has shown how political culture (democratic legitimation or political trust, support for civil freedoms, satisfaction with the functioning of democracy, etc.) often depend on the elements of the very political structure (party systems & coalition models, election patterns, patterns of democracy, positions in power structure, etc.). Political culture is autonomous in relation to political structure, but frequently its role greatly depends on the relations among political actors & the variables of the political culture itself. The analysis has also demonstrated how these investigations into the interaction (combined effects) between political culture & structure are extremely sophisticated & that in the future they are going to become the most fruitful part of political science, making possible not only a deeper understanding of the "dynamic regularities" in the functioning of democracy but also the attempts at its "innovative sustainment" & gradual development. 1 Table. Adapted from the source document.
