Suchergebnisse

A central argument of this article is that Isaiah Berlin's notion of cultural pluralism can be described as relativistic, and that he should not have repudiated the relativism, but simply defended it as part of the reality of the global constellation of cultures. Berlin's relativism emerges into a more generous light, in which radical differences among cultures occupy centre stage. Focusing on cultural relativism and its possible sources in Berlin unveils the neglected role that his famed concept of 'negative' liberty plays in assuring the distinctiveness of individual cultures and shared humanity, both of which constitute cultural pluralism. I conclude that Berlin's notion of cultural pluralism is relativistic based not only on substantive evidence, but also on a more realistic definition of the concept. Moreover, his conception of cultural pluralism and in particular its relativism highlight the subjects of cultural identity and autonomy in a world of immense power imbalances among nations and peoples.

The globalization process is not reducible to its international dimension, i.e., to international, or even, to transnational relationships. In many states, it also consists of domestic phenomena, such as an increasing cultural pluralism, that does not result solely from a domestic and gradual evolution, but, to a significant extent, either from migrations or from radical changes of mind made possible by cultural globalization. This kind of cultural pluralism is what one can call multiculturalism, in the descriptive sense of the characteristics of a multicultural society (as distinguished from the normative meaning, i.e., from the policies that aim at either maintaining or promoting multiculturalism in the descriptive meaning). This paper aims to discuss the articulation between deliberative democracy and cultural pluralism.

For liberalism, values such as respect, reciprocity, and tolerance should framecultural encounters in multicultural societies. However, it is easy to disregardthat power differences and political domination also influence the culturalsphere and the relations between cultural groups. In this essay, I focus onsome challenges for cultural pluralism. In relation to Indian political theoristRajeev Bhargava, I discuss the meaning of cultural domination and epistemicinjustice and their historical and moral implications. Bhargava argued thatas a consequence of colonialism, "indigenous cultures" were inferiorized,marginalized, and anonymized. Although cultures are often changing dueto external influences, I argue that epistemic injustice implies that a cultureis forced to subjection, disrespected, and considered as inferior and that itthreatens the dominated people's epistemic framework, collective identity,and existential security. Finally, I refer to John Rawls's theory of politicalliberalism as a constructive approach to avoid parochialism and Westerncultural domination.

AbstractFor liberalism, values such as respect, reciprocity, and tolerance should frame cultural encounters in multicultural societies. However, it is easy to disregard that power differences and political domination also influence the cultural sphere and the relations between cultural groups. In this essay, I focus on some challenges for cultural pluralism. In relation to Indian political theorist Rajeev Bhargava, I discuss the meaning of cultural domination and epistemic injustice and their historical and moral implications. Bhargava argued that as a consequence of colonialism, "indigenous cultures" were inferiorized, marginalized, and anonymized. Although cultures are often changing due to external influences, I argue that epistemic injustice implies that a culture is forced to subjection, disrespected, and considered as inferior and that it threatens the dominated people's epistemic framework, collective identity, and existential security. Finally, I refer to John Rawls's theory of political liberalism as a constructive approach to avoid parochialism and Western cultural domination.

This article examines the impact of poly-ethnicity on political communities, by focusing on the symbolic aspect of citizenship. What are the symbolic 'anchors' that frame and define sentiments of belonging in a democratic polity? How do we evaluate such criteria in the light of the challenge of poly-ethnicity? Such questions are explored through a comparative conceptual assessment of the Canadian policy of multiculturalism and the Quebec's model of interculturalism.
Keywords: Сitizenship, self-identification, constitutional state, migration policy, migrant, integration, cultural diversity, minority cultures, interculturalism, multiculturalism