Mono versus Multi: kulturalizmi u znanosti i politici
In: Politicka misao, Band 47, Heft 1, S. 223-228
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In: Politicka misao, Band 47, Heft 1, S. 223-228
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 7, Heft 3-4, S. 41-64
ISSN: 1332-4756
In: Politicka misao, Band 42, Heft 4, S. 17-24
The author looks into the usefulness of the theoretical concepts that have popped up in the riveting perennial debate between liberals & multiculturalists that revolves around the states of the developed liberal democracy. The question is: how enlightening the theoretical categories of the Anglo-Saxon tradition are for us, & can the solutions from that tradition serve as a guideline in a transitional country such as Croatia. The argument unravels in three steps. In the first two parts the author presents some of the key theoretical concepts by outlining the discussions by Iris M. Young & Brian Barry, & in the third he challenges their usability. The author points out the theoretical as well as the practical-political problems stemming from the politicization of culture. References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 36, Heft 2, S. 136-143
The author analyzes the relationship among atomism, pluralism, & democracy from the standpoint of contemporary Rawlsian & Kafkian theory of justice. The author views fairness & justice as forms of substituting democratic decision making in multicultural communities. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 36, Heft 2, S. 136-143
The author analyzes the relationship among atomism, pluralism, & democracy from the standpoint of contemporary Rawlsian & Kafkian theory of justice. The author views fairness & justice as forms of substituting democratic decision making in multicultural communities. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 42, Heft 4, S. 25-37
This paper deals with Bhikhu Parekh's theory of intercultural evaluation. Parekh's approach to multiculturalism is based on an open dialogue between minorities & the majority on cultural practices that should be tolerated. In the first part, author criticizes Parekh's concept of operative public values, which Parekh uses as a starting point for intercultural debate. In the second part, author deals with the problem of consistency between Parekh's theoretical arguments & their application to particular cases. In the conclusion, author argues that Parekh's aspiration to avoid both claims of liberal universalism & cultural relativism is unsuccessful because he fails to provide a convincing theoretical argument on how to resolve disputes on cultural values & practices. References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 6, Heft 4, S. 75-86
ISSN: 1332-4756
In: Politicka misao, Band 41, Heft 3, S. 105-111
The author deals with the issue of the relationship between liberalism & multiculturalism & points out certain tensions stemming from the debate between liberals & multiculturalists. The paper mentions the theoretical interventions of political philosophers such as Charles Taylor (multiculturalist), John Gray (postmodern liberal conservative) & Brian Barry (liberal universalist). By looking into Barry's attack on Taylor & Gray, the author tries to show Barry's mistake in accusing those two of relativism derived from incommensurability, but also gives him credit for unerringly recognizing the weaknesses of the relativist criticism of liberalism. According to the author, many theoreticians participating in the academic dispute between the liberals & the multiculturalists assume that the real targets are the liberal egalitarians (Rawls & his disciples). This has created a dramatically erroneous impression that the USA are liberal in an egalitarian way. Thus, while the leftist critics of egalitarian liberalism were finding fault with the abominable universalist theory, the antiliberals (& the antimulticulturalists) have gained prominence. 7 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 49, Heft 2, S. 150-165
In spite of the fact that Serbia is a multicultural state in which many ethno-cultural minorities live, that basic regulations have been issued which secure the rights of ethnic minorities, and that a system of multiculturalism has been established, only partial recognition of the identity and rights of ethnic minorities has been accomplished in Serbia. This has been carried out through introducing procedures, rules, institutions, mechanisms and instruments which guarantee the exercise of rights of ethnic minorities which live and develop their own identity alongside other minorities and the ethnic majority, with the actual effect that, regardless of the attained high level of multiculturalism, the minorities are still separated, mutually and with regard to the majority, i.e. ghettoised. This is caused by the established type of segregative multiculturalism, which contributes to the situation in which minorities are separated; they coexist, but are not intermixed in an integrated multicultural society. Adapted from the source document.
In: Polemos: časopis za interdisciplinarna istraživanja rata i mira ; journal of interdisciplinary research on war and peace, Band 9, Heft 18, S. 139-154
ISSN: 1331-5595
In: Politicka misao, Band 36, Heft 1, S. 83-100
The author outlines the modern universalistic theories that assume the natural & historical unity of humankind &, using this as a starting point, predict a cosmopolitan & Eurocentric outcome of world history. Contrary to these universalistic theories, the contemporary globalist theories, the author claims, are pluralistic & multicultural & thus paradigmatically different from the panoptical theories of classic modernism. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 41, Heft 4, S. 59-71
The paper poses the question: is multiculturalism, in the situation of posttraditional social pluralization, an appropriate theoretical & practical model of integration in multiethnic & multicultural societies? In order to provide an answer, the author first analyzes the social processes responsible for speeding up contemporary social & cultural changes. The starting point of the analysis are the key insights of the theory of reflexive modernization. This is followed by an outline of the model of multiculturalism; the author explains why the demands for the group-specific protection of cultural minorities are focal to it. Particular attention is given to the ideas of C. Taylor & W. Kymlicka, & J. Habermas' criticism. The assumption is that in the posttraditional social conditions, juxtaposing collective vs. individual rights misses the point because in the circumstances of constant change & growing social reflexivity only the cultures capable of reflexive self-transformation can survive. Each project of culture protection that is comparable to the protection of "endangered species," which presupposes collective rights & duties, saps culture of its vitality & hinders the individuals in their critical reflexion of their identities. & contrary, in case of radical multiculturalism & rigid assimilationism -- in both cases cultures are understood as natural species outside social context -- posttraditional/reflexive reconstruction of identity can assume fundamentalist character. The author claims that the recognition of cultural minorities remains one of the central issues of present-day liberal democracies; however, the recognition of diversity ought to be based on democratic public debate through which individuals can work out their relationship towards different cultural traditions. 25 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 41, Heft 4, S. 59-71
The paper poses the question: is multiculturalism, in the situation of posttraditional social pluralization, an appropriate theoretical & practical model of integration in multiethnic & multicultural societies? In order to provide an answer, the author first analyzes the social processes responsible for speeding up contemporary social & cultural changes. The starting point of the analysis are the key insights of the theory of reflexive modernization. This is followed by an outline of the model of multiculturalism; the author explains why the demands for the group-specific protection of cultural minorities are focal to it. Particular attention is given to the ideas of C. Taylor & W. Kymlicka, & J. Habermas' criticism. The assumption is that in the posttraditional social conditions, juxtaposing collective vs. individual rights misses the point because in the circumstances of constant change & growing social reflexivity only the cultures capable of reflexive self-transformation can survive. Each project of culture protection that is comparable to the protection of "endangered species," which presupposes collective rights & duties, saps culture of its vitality & hinders the individuals in their critical reflexion of their identities. & contrary, in case of radical multiculturalism & rigid assimilationism -- in both cases cultures are understood as natural species outside social context -- posttraditional/reflexive reconstruction of identity can assume fundamentalist character. The author claims that the recognition of cultural minorities remains one of the central issues of present-day liberal democracies; however, the recognition of diversity ought to be based on democratic public debate through which individuals can work out their relationship towards different cultural traditions. 25 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 5, Heft 3, S. 91-113
ISSN: 1332-4756
In: Politicka misao, Band 51, Heft 4
The paper analyzes developments on the Croatian television market during the last decade, focusing specially on the changes that have been taking place since 2009 and their effect on the diversity and pluralism of the current television programs. The study presents the data on the structural diversity of the Croatian television market which reached its peak in the second decade of the 21st century, as the processes of privatization and commercialization had been completed. The research includes data and the analysis of the television audience distribution during last several years, showing the major change regarding the position of the public service broadcaster which occurred during that time. Content pluralism and diversity of the television programs were analyzed using the data on the genres structure of the main national broadcasters, one public and two commercial, with the emphasis on the news and current affairs genres as well as the other high social value programs regarded as the content in the public interest. The genres structures and distribution in the overall national television program output were put in the relation to the genres audience ratings, showing the gap between the 'supply' of the programs offering content in the public interest and the audience 'demand' expressed by their total audience share, which could be considered as the guideline for the media policy and regulation. In the conclusion, the potential of the television pluralism and diversity as the possible tool to enhance the democratic functions of the media in Croatia are pointed out, as well as the need for further audience research which would explore complex relation between genres and audience expectations, needs and choices. Adapted from the source document.