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Kostas Raptis, Middle classes and middle class culture in Europe, 1789-1914: approaches in modern historiographyThe history of the european middle classes from the late 18th to theearly 20th century is a very wide topic and relates to economic, social,political, gender and culture history. This essay gives a brief overviewof the main subjects regarding it. It draws mainly on (pioneer) germanspeaking,but also on english and french literature. Following the currentdebate, it points to the different social and economic groups making upthe so called ((Bürgertum», to their common characteristics, as well astheir specific culture, the ((Bürgerlichkeit)).More specifically this paper is concerned with the followin subjects:— the composition of the «Bürgertum» and the features of its maingroups (professionals, bourgeois of money and bourgeois of knowledge)— the relevant terminology in german, french and english language— the comparison between upper middle class and nobility— the social position and role of the lowermiddle classes— the relation of the bourgeoisie to liberalism and nationalism— the study of the history of the middle classes in the specific contextof a town or a city (as an urban phenomenon)— the position and role of middle class women in a bourgeois society— the middle class family— the bourgeois way of life and culture in general ; Kostas Raptis, Middle classes and middle class culture in Europe, 1789-1914: approaches in modern historiographyThe history of the european middle classes from the late 18th to theearly 20th century is a very wide topic and relates to economic, social,political, gender and culture history. This essay gives a brief overviewof the main subjects regarding it. It draws mainly on (pioneer) germanspeaking,but also on english and french literature. Following the currentdebate, it points to the different social and economic groups making upthe so called ((Bürgertum», to their common characteristics, as well astheir specific culture, the ((Bürgerlichkeit)).More specifically this paper is concerned with the followin subjects:— the composition of the «Bürgertum» and the features of its maingroups (professionals, bourgeois of money and bourgeois of knowledge)— the relevant terminology in german, french and english language— the comparison between upper middle class and nobility— the social position and role of the lowermiddle classes— the relation of the bourgeoisie to liberalism and nationalism— the study of the history of the middle classes in the specific contextof a town or a city (as an urban phenomenon)— the position and role of middle class women in a bourgeois society— the middle class family— the bourgeois way of life and culture in general

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα Ελληνικά. ; L'article s'intéresse à la recherche des processus intellectuels, idéologiques et politiques, qui ont abouti en Allemagne pendant le 19ème et le début du 20ème siècle à la disjonction radicale des notions de la «culture» et de la «civilisation». Cette disjonction a eu comme résultat la surenchère de la culture et en même temps le mépris de la civilisation, et surtout la réduction de ce bipolaire oppositionnel au niveau d'un principe organisant l'idéologie nationaliste allemande. En particulier, cet article essaie de montrer le rôle qu'a joué la plupart de l'intelligentsia universitaire allemande pour la construction et la consolidation d'une opinion massive contre l'esprit occidental dès 1807 jusqu'à 1918.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Dans cet article nous essayons de démontrer quels sont les droits politiques, sociaux et civils attribués aux citoyens grecs, de quelles forces politiques dérivent et dans quelle conjoncture historique s'inscrivent. Les textes des Constitutions de 1844, 1864, 1911 et 1927 sont utilisées ici comme principales sources de notre recherche, dont les résultats sont les suivants: a) Malgré la tradition politique de la Révolution de 1821 et la prescription précoce du suffrage universel pour les hommes en 1864, le libéralisme politique en Grèce n'avait pas réussi jusqu'à 1927 à pénétrer dans la culture politique de la majorité du peuple grec. b) Cependant, le libéralisme politique a fonctionné pour les hommes politiques grecs comme un code commun et aussi comme idéologie dominante. c) A la suite de cette analyse nous croyons que le rôle du libéralisme politique en tant que idéologie dominante était l'assurance du consentement politique.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Maria Damilakou, The image of the gaucho in the argentine society (1830- 1940): ideological uses and historiographie approaches This article attempts to show the different images of the gaucho, symbol of the argentine pampa, that predominated the local society as long as to associate them to the different interpretations of the historical past and the process of construction of the argentine national identity. This process required contacts, confrontations and interchanges among different social groups and sectors, such as the lower classes, the intellectual and political elites, the marginal rural element and the new coming immigrants. The construction of the gaucho's image was a long process, extended from the first half of the 19th century until the peronist years. From the «heroic son of the earth» who stood up the Spanish conquerors during the Revolution of 1810, he became the «barbarian of the desert» through the discourse of the illuminated elite that, during the second half of the 19th century, undertook the national organization of the country, its fast modernization and the creation of «obedient citizens». During the same period, the popular culture provided a different aspect of the gaucho, especially through the figures of Martin Fierro and Juan Moreira: the gaucho now became the center of a large cultural phenomenon that was picturing the rural way of life, codified common experience and expectations and became a form of resistance to the process of modernization. Later, in the 1910s, the image of the «obedient» Martin Fierro was adopted by the cultural nationalism of the period and used as the symbol of the argentine national identity and as the incarnation of the argentine essence and soul. At last, the leftwing forces adopted the gaucho as the symbol of the oppressed social groups, whereas the nationalist movements of the 1930s used his image in order to support their revisioned interpretations about the national historical past.