Suchergebnisse

The purpose of this essay is to prove the connection among political culture, political structure, & democracy. All the arguments pointing to such a connection have been analyzed within the framework of two fundamental approaches to the relationship between culture & structure, ie, within the framework of the classical approach to their correspondence (which claims -- primarily in line with the functional theory of culture -- that there is a functional concordance between culture & structure, that democracy is mirrored by the civic political culture, ie, that "culture is a structure's way of life," that culture determines the structure) & the contemporary interactional approach (in which -- primarily in line with the theory of culture "as meaning" or "social functioning" -- complex relations among various cultural variables & structural variables are analyzed as well as their combined effect on democracy as the consequence of these relations). The latter approach considers democracy not as a "fixed condition" but rather as a dynamic phenomenon or the end result of the combined interactional relationships between culture & structure. The analysis has shown that both approaches are legitimate & useful in understanding & maintaining democracy. Of course, the interactional approaches are more complex, as well as more important & more vital for understanding democracy. The analysis has shown how political culture (democratic legitimation or political trust, support for civil freedoms, satisfaction with the functioning of democracy, etc.) often depend on the elements of the very political structure (party systems & coalition models, election patterns, patterns of democracy, positions in power structure, etc.). Political culture is autonomous in relation to political structure, but frequently its role greatly depends on the relations among political actors & the variables of the political culture itself. The analysis has also demonstrated how these investigations into the interaction (combined effects) between political culture & structure are extremely sophisticated & that in the future they are going to become the most fruitful part of political science, making possible not only a deeper understanding of the "dynamic regularities" in the functioning of democracy but also the attempts at its "innovative sustainment" & gradual development. 1 Table. Adapted from the source document.

In this study, the author analyzes the relationship between general culture & its particularistic segments within the integral political community & concludes that as long as there are citizens, there will be a conflict between the general & the singular; also, the mediation between these two categories is never final; instead, one should repeatedly define what is appropriate, right, & compulsory. This is the strength of the type of reasoning to which the schematic landmarks such as universalism & particularism are necessary only as reminders of what is missing in order to fill in the gaps. Adapted from the source document.

This note introduces contributions delivered at the international conference "Ustav kao simbol i instrument" (The Constitution as a Symbol and Instrument), held in Zagreb, 7-8 Dec 2001. The symbolic & regulating functions of the constitution are noted as very much distinct objectives. Excerpts from the preambles of the American & French constitutions are quoted to illustrate that this document not only spells out the fundamental laws by which a nation is to be governed but also states the people's basic values, views on self-determination, equality, tolerance, or liberty, & ethical principles that it holds dear. The constitution is an instrument regulating a political process while at the same time functioning as a symbol of political culture. The people do not only state in it their sovereignty but also a conception of the republic's order. Z. Dubiel

The author analyzes the long-, medium-, & short-term prospects of liberalism in Croatia. The long-term prospects are determined by the global future of liberalism; however, agreement among liberal theoreticians as to what that future might look like has not yet been reached. It might be said that the clout of liberals in relation to the other two major political groups -- conservatives & social democrats -- depends on the type of mixture of the value of freedom, equality, & solidarity in Croatian political culture. The medium-term prospects are determined on the basis of the analysis of the social structure of Croatian society, which displays a powerlessness of educated & economically independent social strata as the traditional addressees of liberal politics. The author thinks that major short-term changes in the Croatian political scenery are unrealistic. 2 Figures, 10 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author claims that Haberle's theory of the constitution is a science of culture, opposed to formalism, decisionism, positivism, & statism. It is based on the continuity & the relationship among culture-building, law, & state. The subjects of the constitution-formative authority are mutually culturally linked citizens who decide on the objectively given subject-matter & procedures. The theory of the constitution as a science of culture is based on the assumption that serious conflicts among the open societies of Western Europe are highly unlikely. This represents a significant departure from the positivist theory of the state grounded in the conflict of interests & opinions as well as the strong regulatory role of the state. The author challenges Haberle's disregard for the crisis potential of modern societies & proposes that these two opposed theories should complement each other. The author goes on to describe Haberle's research method, which includes an analysis of both the cultural context & the normative/constitutional solutions. He applies this research method to the constitutional laws of Germany, Switzerland, & Austria, & also when comparing large & small states, or developed & underdeveloped ones. Haberle espoused Taylor's definition of culture: culture & civilization are equated so that the systems of culture are on the one hand products of activity, & on the other the conditioning element of future activity. According to Haberle, the culture of a community starts from the traditional, innovative & pluralist aspects that are the orientation points for constitutional science as a science of culture. Regarding tradition, culture is mediation of things past. The innovative aspect is based on the idea that culture is a further development of things past. Since culture is not uniform, its pluralist aspect should not be forgotten. Thus the citizens of a democratic constitutional state make up the cultural/anthropological premise, while the state is only one aspect of the constituted res publica. The constitutional state today goes beyond the scope of the national state since the regional European constitutional state has been evolving together with the outlines of "the world community of constitutional states.". 9 References. Adapted from the source document.

In this paper the author deals with the nature of culture, the culture of peace, education as an eminently cultural activity, & the projections of the future. The author defines culture as people's cooperation in improving the quality of their lives & considers it at the same time to be both a part of individuals & a part of communities. Furthermore, the author advocates the culture of peace & cooperation & argues that culture in principle promotes peace, eliminates war & immanently strives for the ascendancy of peaceful cooperation among people. For the sake of peace & understanding the author thinks that the united Europe ought to standardize learning & education concerning the optimal forms of togetherness. & finally the author promotes the concept of "project identity" i.e. emerging identity. Adapted from the source document.