Sigurd Bergmann: In the Beginning is the Icon. A liberative Theology of Images, Visual Arts and Culture. Translated by Anja K. Angelsen
In: Norsk teologisk tidsskrift, Band 111, Heft 2, S. 149-151
ISSN: 1504-2979
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In: Norsk teologisk tidsskrift, Band 111, Heft 2, S. 149-151
ISSN: 1504-2979
In: Stockholm Studies in Culture and Aesthetics
Sápmi, the Sámi area, is transnational; it transcends four nation states, Norway, Sweden, Finland, and Russia. Art and art history has been considered natural parts of a nation state's inventory at least since the 19th century and has contributed to the production and maintenance of national identities and narratives. What is the role of the nation state in art history, and how has the national paradigm affected the presentation of Sámi art, historically and today? Focusing on the discipline of art history in Norway, the volume exposes the prevailing representation of Sámi art, duodji, and dáidda as ethnographic material and relates it to the politics of nation building in the nineteenth and early twentieth century. The book examines the representation of Sámi art, artefacts, practices, materialites, actors, concepts, and themes in Norwegian Art History, to uncover some of the established disciplinary mechanisms and narratives. The central method is historiography in combination with fieldwork in archives and museums, aimed at doing art historiography in the expanded field – to move beyond the traditional textual focus and question naturalized institutional and disciplinary boundaries. This is one of very few historiographical studies of the art historical discipline in Norway, and the only one that does this by centring on Sámi traditions, items, actors, and conceptualizations.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 71, Heft 4, S. 591-600
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 65, Heft 3, S. 71-84
ISSN: 0020-577X
A national interest, as an expression, fits poorly in the Norwegian language and the country's political culture. Norwegian politicians rarely mention it and internationally the country is isolationist due to its small size, distant location and historical circumstances. However, in the northern European context, Norway has strong resource and environmental political interests, as well as keeping a stable and peaceful relationship with its neighbor Russia. L. Pitkaniemi
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 59, Heft 4, S. 473-508
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 65, Heft 4, S. 21-36
ISSN: 0020-577X
"There is a widely held notion that death is not particularly visible in our culture; death is something we do not talk about. The premise for Døden i livet has been to challenge this preconception from a variety of perspectives and disciplines.
The authors argue that death is present in our lives in many ways. We see it and experience it in our physical surroundings, for example in the various arrangements we make to remind ourselves of the dead. We hear or read about it in speeches, poems, music lyrics, psalms, obituaries, biographies, picture books, novels and newspapers. We talk about death in conversations with each other, in characterizing the dead and in clinical language about illness and death. We reveal our understanding of death through visual forms such as newspaper images, illustrations in books and in the imagery and metaphors we employ when we describe it.
Døden i livet is a mult-disciplinary, scientific anthology consisting of 12 peer-reviewed chapters geared towards scholars and students interested in broader appreciation of how death is present in our culture. The chapters are written by researchers working in such diverse fields as health, pedagogics, idea history, religion, literature studies, linguistics and rhetoric." - "Det er en utbredt oppfatning at døden er lite synlig i vår kultur og at vi snakker lite om den. Utgangspunktet for antologien Døden i livet er å utfordre disse forestillingene fra ulike perspektiv og fagfelt.
Forfatterne understreker at døden er til stede i våre liv på mange måter. Vi ser den og opplever den i våre fysiske omgivelser, for eksempel der hvor vi har innrettet oss for å minnes de døde. Vi hører den eller leser om den i taler, dikt, musikalske tekster, salmer, nekrologer, biografier, bildebøker, romaner og avistekster. Vi uttaler oss om død i samtaler med hverandre, i karakteristikker av avdøde og gjennom fagspråk om sykdom og død. Vi viser vår forståelse av døden gjennom visuelle uttrykk som i avisbilder, i bokillustrasjoner og i de språklige bildene og metaforene vi bruker når vi omtaler den.
Døden i livet er en tverrfaglig, vitenskapelig antologi. Boken består av 12 fagfellevurderte kapitler og henvender seg til forskere og studenter som har interesse av å sette seg inn i hvordan døden er til stede i vår kultur. Kapitlene er skrevet av forskere fra ulike fagfelt som helsefag, pedagogikk, idéhistorie, religionsvitenskap, litteraturvitenskap, språkvitenskap og retorikk."
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 62, Heft 3, S. 347-368
ISSN: 0020-577X
What can account for the distinctive American style of political discourse, the independent course of US foreign policy, & the stubbornly enduring popularity of George W. Bush? The article argues that both rest on the deep structure of American thought that is on the one hand highly dualistic & on the other obsessed with the notion of purity. These produce a worldview in which the "Good" is wholly, indivisibly good, the "Bad" is wholly, indivisibly evil & "Good" is at eternal risk of corruption. This mental framework is first illustrated by means of two popular films, the 1989 Bill and Ted's Excellent Adventure & the 1964 Dr. Strangelove. Finally, the author draws on the work of anthropologist Mary Douglas to analyze the consequences of this way of thinking for US foreign policy, & argues that such a dichotomous worldview faces constant challenge from the existence of phenomena that do not easily fit it. Much of US foreign policy can accordingly be understood as varying strategies to protect American purity & to resolve ambiguous phenomena that threaten the prevailing American moral code. 20 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 66, Heft 4, S. 681-682
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: The Institute for Comparative Research in Human Culture Oslo
In: Serie B, Skrifter 160
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 4, S. 80-85
ISSN: 0020-577X
If the struggle for power becomes a matter of decision for a pol'al party or pol'al figure in a democracy, the ensuing action may not be in accord with previous behavior. The British pol'al scene shows an actual example of this kind of applied psychol. The Suez affair & its subsequent crisis created a serious psychol'al crisis in GB, a crisis so severe that Harold Macmillan had to deal with it by original methods. Forced to take measures, such as the one giving British shipowners the right to again use the canal, which really indicate the decline in British power, he nevertheless succeeded in restoring public confidence. He took his cabinet ministers in hand by allowing them a large measure of individual initiative, unlike Eden who supervised the most minute details of admin'tion. His authority over the Conservative party was very rapidly reaffirmed, to the point where he was able to force Lord Salisbury to leave the Cabinet. In the end he managed to get the Conservatives in Parliament behind him, by channeling their dislike toward the Labor Party, & by also directing their animosity toward the US & the UN. His apparent calm & indifference allowed him to take a neutral position toward these scapegoats, leaving vindictiveness to his partisans by this device. All of his efforts, however, did not succeed in restoring his prestige with the public who are less sensitive to the psychol'al techniques of the leader than the politicians, & who measure a politician in terms of his accomplishments, which have not been, so far very favorable. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 67, Heft 2, S. 273-289
ISSN: 0020-577X
Between the Second World War and the fall of the Berlin Wall Germany showed great aversion towards using military force for other purposes than territorial defense and held a multilateral balance between France and the United States with their respective ambitions EU and NATO. After the Wall fell, the German security policy started to change and German politicians increasingly argued for military use as a legitimate instrument in international politics. Among the driving forces for this process has been the change in European strategic culture as Europe is looking towards an integrated foreign and security policy, which may even go against German interest. L. Pitkaniemi