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The article raise the question about models of cultural policy, about the relationship of this policy with the status of the state in the international arena; considers the special role of culture in strengthening Russian statehood. Russia has repeatedly demonstrated the fruitfulness of the state to care for culture. State investment in culture, education and science has always produced a qualitative leap in the development of the country, allowing for a short period of time to catch up and overtake other countries and survive in a competitive geopolitical struggle. The difficult political conditions of the present time dictate the need to return to traditional for our country state-centric model of governance and to state support for her culture. ; В статье ставится вопрос о моделях культурной политики, о связи этой политики со статусом государства на международной арене; рассматривается особая роль культуры в укреплении русской государственности. Россия неоднократно демонстрировала миру плодотворность государственной заботы о культуре. Вложение государственных средств в культуру, образование и науку всегда производило качественный скачок в развитии страны, позволяя за короткий промежуток времени догнать и перегнать другие страны и выстоять в конкурентной геополитической борьбе. Непростые политические условия настоящего времени диктуют необходимость возврата к традиционной для нашего отечества государственно-центричной модели управления страной и к государственной поддержке ее культуры.

This article is devoted to the concept of "woman" in world culture. The study examines the icons of the female image in different cultures of the peoples of the world. In a world where there is no science, the biological characteristics of a woman, many aspects of the relationship between men and women remain in the dark, behind a screen of shyness. However, as the scientific way of thinking spreads in a culture, untimely constraints decrease. From this point of view, the topic of this study is still relevant for cultural consideration. It also addresses the issue of female semiosis in world culture.

В статье развиваются идеи А.А. Никишенкова о евразийских аспектах политической культуры современной России. Автор ставит два ключевых вопроса. Первый: действительно ли евразийская политическая культура диаметрально противоположна европейской? Второй: действительно ли евразийский фактор оказывал негативное влияние на формирование политической культуры нашей страны?Автор детально анализирует политические структуры и традиции народов Великой Степи, включая Средневековую Русь и древнее Русско-кипчакское государство, основанных на Азиатском способе производства. Он приходит к выводу, что эти общества были не деспотическими, а достаточно демократическими, способными к контролю за властью и самоэволюции. Эта черта кочевых обществ сближает их с демократическим Западом и противопоставляет деспотичному Востоку.Автор анализирует ряд исторических событий, включая последние «революции» на пост-советском пространстве (Грузия, Кыргызстан, Украина). Он приходит к выводу, что власть и оппозиция действуют и противодействуют на едином политическом поле, что характерно для европейской политической культуры. Он также противопоставляет Золотую Орду и Московскую Русь. Он доказывает, что Орда была не частью Русского государства, а внешней силой по отношению к нему. Следовательно евразийский, русско-кипчакский вариант политического развития был не «ориентализирован» или искажен, а лишь замедлен. Октябрьская революция ускорила этот процес руками горстки радикалов-западников. В итоге автор приходит к выводу, что современная Россия имеет один единственный путь политического развития – европейский. ; The author develops the ideas of Alexei A. Nikishenkov about the Eurasian aspects of political culture of contemporary Russia. The following two questions are explored in the article. First, is the Eurasian political culture completely opposite to the European one? Second, did Eurasian tendencies negatively affect the development of Russian political culture?The author analyzes in detail the political structures and practices of peoples of the Great Steppe, including Medieval Russia and the earlier Russian-Kypchak state, practising the so-called Marxism Asiatic mode of production. He notes that the societies were not despotic, but rather democratic, and capable of controlling their authorities and therefore to evolve. This feature brings nomadic, Great-Steppe societies closer to the Western (democratic) and not the Eastern (despotic) path of political development.The author investigates several historical events, including recent 'democratic revolutions' in Georgia, Kyrgyzstan, and Ukraine. He argues that the authorities and opposition were playing and competing on the same political field, which is European political culture. He also juxtapose s the Golden Horde and Russia. He argues that the Horde was not part of the Russian State, but an external power. As a result, the Eurasian, Russian-Kypchak way of political development was not 'orientalized' and changed but delayed. The October Revolution sped up this process through a handful of 'occidentalists-radicals.' The article concludes by arguing that contemporary Russia has only one – 'western-like' – way of political development.

This article examines the political discourse on foreign-culture immigrants, that forms the agenda of the Danish government. The difficulties of integrating migrants increase with the influx of asylum seekers and family reunification, when the rate of their admission exceeds the rate of naturalisation (absorption) of diasporas, that Danes see as a threat to social cohesion. A "preventive" immigration policy has emerged, demonstrating significant restrictions that reduce the influx of refugees. The discourse of restrictive policy supported by the electorate determined the government's agenda based on agreements between the center-left Social Democratic Party, the center-right Liberal Party of Wenströ, and the far-right Danish National Party (DNP) with its anti-immigrant agenda. At the same time, the ruling parties, weakening the support of the extreme right-wing parties, "intercept" the provisions of the DNP programme.

Restrictions on the political agenda concern mainly foreign-culture immigrants: strict regulation of the admission of asylum seekers, granting a residence permit, family reunification, initial distribution to municipalities and resettlement of immigrant "ghettos". This is combined with the education of immigrants based on the values ​​of social cohesion, work for the welfare state, and the inclusion of immigrant children in educational institutions. The discourse also includes the issues of deportation of immigrants, including asylum seekers, who commit crimes, the detention of asylum seekers not in Denmark and the EU countries, but in third countries that the government intends to make special agreements with. Taking into account the difficulties of returning refugees to the countries of origin, even if life there has become safer, this option is considered the most optimum, and appropriate work is being carried out in this direction.

The EU leadership condemns such a policy, but in the conditions of the weakness of its immigration policy, legal collisions, as well as the weakening of the solidarity of the Union members, there is no political opportunity from the outside to forcibly adjust the Danish state policy. In other EU countries, Denmark's preventive restrictive policy can be perceived as a positive model for the reception and integration of refugees of other cultures. The Danish experience is also useful for Russia, where problems arise in working with foreign-culture diasporas. In addition, such restrictive policies are helping to strengthen mobilisation mechanisms to combat the COVID-19 pandemic.

Понятие политической культуры – одно из ключевых и относительно новых в политической науке. Несмотря на выработку ряда общепризнанных определений данного феномена, не все они могут служить инструментом адекватного исследования его содержания. Цель настоящей статьи – обосновать понимание политической культуры как особой части политического наследия, как качественной характеристики политической сферы жизни общества.

The paper analyses the reasons for a special attitude towards patriotism in Russian culture. It studies works of foreign and domestic scientists on patriotism, and considers the history of Russian patriotism. The author points out that in Russia, the concept "patriot" comes into general use in the 18th century. Since the reign of Peter I, patriotism takes on a form of a state ideology. In the epoch of Catherine and in the 19th century, patriotic ideas receive a new impetus due to the domestic and foreign policy pursued at that time.The events of the 20th century – the revolution, the Civil War, the building of a new socialist society – made their amendments in the content of patriotic ideas. The split in Russian culture following the revolution revealed itself in different understanding of patriotism and its implementation. Using all means available, culture and art played an important part in instilling love for the motherland in young people. During perestroika and later, the collapse of the Soviet Union, the attitude towards the motherland and patriotism began to change; it was inappropriate to write or talk about them. The term "patriotism" disappeared from dictionaries and encyclopedias.Today, a solution to a lot of domestic issues is needed to accomplish the objective of patriotic education. There are a lot of factors that prevent patriotism strengthening in Russia: growing corruption in the top government echelons, absence of social fairness, a colossal split in the levels of income of the population, unavailability of high quality medical care to the majority of people, unemployment, especially among young people, etc. ; В статье анализируются причины особого отношения к патриотизму в России. Анализируются труды зарубежных и отечественных ученых о патриотизме, рассматривается история российского патриотизма. Отмечается, что в России понятие «патриот» входит в обиход с XVIII в. Со времени царствования Петра I патриотизм принимает форму государственной идеологии. В Екатерининскую эпоху и в XIX в. идеи патриотизма в связи с проводимой внутренней и внешней политикой получат новый импульс.События ХХ в. — революционные события, Гражданская война, строительство нового социалистического общества — внесли свои коррективы в содержание идей патриотизма. Разлом в русской культуре, произошедший после революции, проявился и в разном понимании патриотизма и его реализации. Важную роль в воспитании у молодежи любви к Родине сыграли литература и искусство, которые всеми доступными средствами способствовали этому. В период перестройки, а затем и распада Советского Союза стало меняться отношение к Родине, патриотизму, о них неприлично было писать, говорить. Из словарей, энциклопедий исчез и сам термин «патриотизм». Сегодня для успешной реализации задач по патриотическому воспитанию потребуется решение многих внутренних проблем. Укреплению патриотизма в России мешает рост коррупции в высших эшелонах власти, отсутствие социальной справедливости, колоссальный разрыв в уровнях доходов населения, невозможность для большинства людей получать бесплатную высококвалифицированную медицинскую помощь, безработица, особенно среди молодежи и т. д.

This study sets out to compare Russian and French business cultures on the basis of different taxonomic approaches for describing national culture to analyzing cross-cultural communication (Trompenaars, Hofstede, Hall). The results of this comparison point to specific character of French and Russian business cultures. Both France and Russia cannot be related to any cultural cluster of countries which share similar values for cross-cultural management. However use of these taxonomic approaches leads to the discovery of several common characteristics between these cultures which means the similarity of some communicative strategies in cultural management. This finding allows discussing practical implications for cross-cultural communication for Russian and French managers working together. Such cultural characteristics as individualism/ collectivism or linear-activity/ multi-activity which vary for French and Russian business cultures in different approaches need a further research.