Suchergebnisse

El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo el análisis de la espacialidad funeraria durante la Tercera Dinastía de Ur (2110-2003 a.C.) en la Baja Mesopotamia a partir de los postulados teóricos de los llamados estudios sobre la materialidad en Arqueología –los cuales plantean la superación de la dialéctica sujeto/objeto– y también consideraremos la perspectiva semiótica peirciana, que nos permitirá entender cómo las fuentes disponibles (tablillas de arcilla y estructuras de enterramiento) podrían ser abordadas desde una mirada ya no dicotómica, sino triádica. La discusión sobre las tablillas cuneiformes no sólo como portadoras de mensajes –en nuestro caso, textos administrativos– resulta transcendental en la reconstrucción de los paisajes funerarios mesopotámicos. Nos interesa analizar el rol de las denominadas "capillas funerarias" en la reconfiguración administrativa/política durante la Tercera Dinastía de Ur, momento en el que el palacio se apropió de los dispositivos de control de los templos. Asimismo, las capillas funerarias supusieron el fortalecimiento de vínculos entre los muertos de la elite (antepasados), los bienes depositados en su honor (ofrendas funerarias) y el emplazamiento de lugares evocativos. En suma, las capillas funerarias señalaron la realización de prácticas rituales, la cimentación política de la elite palaciega emergente y la monumentalización del paisaje funerario. ; The aim of this paper is to analyze the funerary spatiality during the Third Dynasty of Ur (2110-2003 BCE) in Lower Mesopotamia, based on the theoretical postulates of the so-called studies on materiality in Archeology –which propose the overcoming of the subject/object dialectic– and, for that matter, we will also consider the Peircian semiotic perspective, which will allow us to understand how the available sources (clay tablets and burial structures) could be studied from a view that is no longer dichotomous, but triadic. The discussion about the cuneiform tablets not only as carriers of messages –in our case, administrative texts– is transcendental in the reconstruction of Mesopotamian funerary landscapes. We are interested in analyzing the role of the so-called "funeral chapels" in the administrative/political reconfiguration during the Third Dynasty of Ur, at which time the palace appropriated the control mechanisms of the temples. Likewise, the funeral chapels supposed the strengthening of links between the dead of the elite (ancestors), the goods deposited in their honor (funerary offerings), and the location of evocative places. In short, the funeral chapels pointed out the performance of ritual practices, the political foundation of the emerging palace elite, and the monumentalization of the funerary landscape.

Hittites appear quite often in the Bible, as usually translated, and they happen to be related, even nowadays, to the Hittite Empire of the Bronze Age. This understanding of the biblical texts does not take historical data into account. While some passages may allude to Neo-Hittite states of Syria or be inspired by the cuneiform use of Hatti in Iron Age II, other mentions must have referred originally to the North-Arabian tribe Hatti, living in southern Canaan or the Negev and known from the toponymic list of Shoshenq I (10th century B.C.) and certainly from the inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser (8th century B.C.). The case of "Uriah the Hittite" is somewhat different, because the man in question was ewri Hutiya, bearing the Hurrian title "lord" or "king" and a Hurrian personal name. He was apparently continuing the lineage of Hurrian princes of Jerusalem known from some Amarna letters of the 14th century B.C. Hurrian political and military influence in Canaan is well attested, but the Nuzi analogies with patriarchal narratives hardly prove a characteristic Hurrian impact on Israelite customs and the early Hebrew literature. The role of Hurrians, called Horites in the Bible, could no longer be understood properly by the redactors of biblical books, but the realm of Urartu in Iron Age II Anatolia seems to have been known quite well in scribal circles. ; Hittites appear quite often in the Bible, as usually translated, and they happen to be related, even nowadays, to the Hittite Empire of the Bronze Age. This understanding of the biblical texts does not take historical data into account. While some passages may allude to Neo-Hittite states of Syria or be inspired by the cuneiform use of Hatti in Iron Age II, other mentions must have referred originally to the North-Arabian tribe Hatti, living in southern Canaan or the Negev and known from the toponymic list of Shoshenq I (10th century B.C.) and certainly from the inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser (8th century B.C.). The case of "Uriah the Hittite" is somewhat different, because the man in question was ewri Hutiya, bearing the Hurrian title "lord" or "king" and a Hurrian personal name. He was apparently continuing the lineage of Hurrian princes of Jerusalem known from some Amarna letters of the 14th century B.C. Hurrian political and military influence in Canaan is well attested, but the Nuzi analogies with patriarchal narratives hardly prove a characteristic Hurrian impact on Israelite customs and the early Hebrew literature. The role of Hurrians, called Horites in the Bible, could no longer be understood properly by the redactors of biblical books, but the realm of Urartu in Iron Age II Anatolia seems to have been known quite well in scribal circles. ; Hittites appear quite often in the Bible, as usually translated, and they happen to be related, even nowadays, to the Hittite Empire of the Bronze Age. This understanding of the biblical texts does not take historical data into account. While some passages may allude to Neo-Hittite states of Syria or be inspired by the cuneiform use of Hatti in Iron Age II, other mentions must have referred originally to the North-Arabian tribe Hatti, living in southern Canaan or the Negev and known from the toponymic list of Shoshenq I (10th century B.C.) and certainly from the inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser (8th century B.C.). The case of "Uriah the Hittite" is somewhat different, because the man in question was ewri Hutiya, bearing the Hurrian title "lord" or "king" and a Hurrian personal name. He was apparently continuing the lineage of Hurrian princes of Jerusalem known from some Amarna letters of the 14th century B.C. Hurrian political and military influence in Canaan is well attested, but the Nuzi analogies with patriarchal narratives hardly prove a characteristic Hurrian impact on Israelite customs and the early Hebrew literature. The role of Hurrians, called Horites in the Bible, could no longer be understood properly by the redactors of biblical books, but the realm of Urartu in Iron Age II Anatolia seems to have been known quite well in scribal circles.

Alex invites us to join in a conversation about "the place of art, and the history of art, in national understandings of landscape now". She notes that over the last twenty years there has been an upsurge in interest in writing about nature, place, and environment not seen since the late eighteenth century, and sees connections between nature writing, music, and film. Alex considers the term "mixed parliament" for this variety of genres. Picturing Places, a website launched in 2017 by the British Library, puts this idea into practice. We deliberately bring together a wide range of genres and formats—prints, drawings, printed and manuscript text, maps, objects such as globes, peepshows, and jigsaws, even a cuneiform tablet—with a resulting wide date range that currently stretches from ca. 605 bc to 2008. Over ninety authors from early career to established scholars have contributed to the site, and I hope the result is effective rather than confusing; the plural voices and variety of objects examined should surprise, encourage new ways of seeing, and increase awareness of the art historical, cultural, and institutional barriers that have led to ingrained and inaccurate perceptions of topographical art as a lesser form of landscape art.

Alex invites us to join in a conversation about "the place of art, and the history of art, in national understandings of landscape now". She notes that over the last twenty years there has been an upsurge in interest in writing about nature, place, and environment not seen since the late eighteenth century, and sees connections between nature writing, music, and film. Alex considers the term "mixed parliament" for this variety of genres. Picturing Places, a website launched in 2017 by the British Library, puts this idea into practice. We deliberately bring together a wide range of genres and formats—prints, drawings, printed and manuscript text, maps, objects such as globes, peepshows, and jigsaws, even a cuneiform tablet—with a resulting wide date range that currently stretches from ca. 605 bc to 2008. Over ninety authors from early career to established scholars have contributed to the site, and I hope the result is effective rather than confusing; the plural voices and variety of objects examined should surprise, encourage new ways of seeing, and increase awareness of the art historical, cultural, and institutional barriers that have led to ingrained and inaccurate perceptions of topographical art as a lesser form of landscape art.

International audience ; During the 3rd millennium BCE, we observe a "wool revolution" in Mesopotamia. Wool became the main woven material and was distributed to male and female workers as subsistence rations. According to cuneiform documentation, in parallel with long established domestic production, large-scale textile production began at that time.1 Early in the 2nd millennium BCE, international trade in textiles expanded. In southern Mesopotamia, palaces employed merchants to market the wool produced by their herds; at Aššur, private entrepreneurs were engaged in a long distance textile trade. During the 19th and 18th centuries BCE – a period called conventionally Old Assyrian –, Assyrians exported large quantities of textiles to Anatolia. This international trade was private, but controlled by the authorities who imposed various taxes and took political decisions which could sometimes affect the textile trade. In Anatolia, the trade was based on treaties and agreements with the local rulers; Anatolian princes and high officials acquired Assyrian and Babylonian textiles. Assyrian woollen products and weaving techniques were considered as of excellent quality and the textiles produced were goods that the Anatolian elite was eager to wear. Thus, in some instances, textiles became prestige goods offered by the Assyrians to the local elite.

International audience ; During the 3rd millennium BCE, we observe a "wool revolution" in Mesopotamia. Wool became the main woven material and was distributed to male and female workers as subsistence rations. According to cuneiform documentation, in parallel with long established domestic production, large-scale textile production began at that time.1 Early in the 2nd millennium BCE, international trade in textiles expanded. In southern Mesopotamia, palaces employed merchants to market the wool produced by their herds; at Aššur, private entrepreneurs were engaged in a long distance textile trade. During the 19th and 18th centuries BCE – a period called conventionally Old Assyrian –, Assyrians exported large quantities of textiles to Anatolia. This international trade was private, but controlled by the authorities who imposed various taxes and took political decisions which could sometimes affect the textile trade. In Anatolia, the trade was based on treaties and agreements with the local rulers; Anatolian princes and high officials acquired Assyrian and Babylonian textiles. Assyrian woollen products and weaving techniques were considered as of excellent quality and the textiles produced were goods that the Anatolian elite was eager to wear. Thus, in some instances, textiles became prestige goods offered by the Assyrians to the local elite.

International audience ; During the 3rd millennium BCE, we observe a "wool revolution" in Mesopotamia. Wool became the main woven material and was distributed to male and female workers as subsistence rations. According to cuneiform documentation, in parallel with long established domestic production, large-scale textile production began at that time.1 Early in the 2nd millennium BCE, international trade in textiles expanded. In southern Mesopotamia, palaces employed merchants to market the wool produced by their herds; at Aššur, private entrepreneurs were engaged in a long distance textile trade. During the 19th and 18th centuries BCE – a period called conventionally Old Assyrian –, Assyrians exported large quantities of textiles to Anatolia. This international trade was private, but controlled by the authorities who imposed various taxes and took political decisions which could sometimes affect the textile trade. In Anatolia, the trade was based on treaties and agreements with the local rulers; Anatolian princes and high officials acquired Assyrian and Babylonian textiles. Assyrian woollen products and weaving techniques were considered as of excellent quality and the textiles produced were goods that the Anatolian elite was eager to wear. Thus, in some instances, textiles became prestige goods offered by the Assyrians to the local elite.

International audience ; During the 3rd millennium BCE, we observe a "wool revolution" in Mesopotamia. Wool became the main woven material and was distributed to male and female workers as subsistence rations. According to cuneiform documentation, in parallel with long established domestic production, large-scale textile production began at that time.1 Early in the 2nd millennium BCE, international trade in textiles expanded. In southern Mesopotamia, palaces employed merchants to market the wool produced by their herds; at Aššur, private entrepreneurs were engaged in a long distance textile trade. During the 19th and 18th centuries BCE – a period called conventionally Old Assyrian –, Assyrians exported large quantities of textiles to Anatolia. This international trade was private, but controlled by the authorities who imposed various taxes and took political decisions which could sometimes affect the textile trade. In Anatolia, the trade was based on treaties and agreements with the local rulers; Anatolian princes and high officials acquired Assyrian and Babylonian textiles. Assyrian woollen products and weaving techniques were considered as of excellent quality and the textiles produced were goods that the Anatolian elite was eager to wear. Thus, in some instances, textiles became prestige goods offered by the Assyrians to the local elite.

International audience ; The Hattian language preceded Hittite in central Anatolia. The Hattian people, who spoke this language, were responsible for the culture which flourished in central Anatolia in the third millennium B.C. At the end of this period (or possibly before it), proto-Indo-Europeans infiltrated the peninsula and became part of hattian society, assimilating their language which eventually died out. Later, due to a change in political policy, this « dead » language was brought back. Hittite scribes transcribed / noted in cuneiform script Hattian texts. Therefore, the Hattian language is known to us through late Hittite scribal tradition. The texts we possess contain errors, variants, approximations, and thus emphasise the Hittite scribes' ignorance of this language as well as their problems in adapting it. Moreover, there are traces of the Hattian language in Hittite since vocabulary, borrowed from the Hattian lexicon, and grammatical and morphological features, are found in Hittite texts. The study of the work of the scribes also allows us to understand certain features of Hittite which are to be reconsidered in light of the Hattian substrate. ; Le hatti est la langue qui a précédé le hittite en Anatolie centrale. Les utilisateurs de cette langue étaient les Hattis, porteurs de la culture de l'Anatolie centrale au IIIe millénaire avant J.-C. A la fin du IIIe millénaire (peut-être avant), des éléments proto-indo-européens s'infiltraient dans la péninsule, s'intégraient dans la société hattie et assimilaient leur langue, qui a fini par disparaître. Plus tard, grâce à une volonté politique, cette langue a été restaurée. Les scribes hittites ont alors transcrit/noté en cunéiforme les textes hattis. Donc, le hatti ne nous est connu que par la tradition scribale hittite tardive. Les textes que nous possédons contiennent des fautes, des variantes, des approximations, et mettent en lumière la méconnaissance que les scribes hittites avaient de cette langue, et sans doute aussi des problèmes d'adaptation. ...

International audience ; The Hattian language preceded Hittite in central Anatolia. The Hattian people, who spoke this language, were responsible for the culture which flourished in central Anatolia in the third millennium B.C. At the end of this period (or possibly before it), proto-Indo-Europeans infiltrated the peninsula and became part of hattian society, assimilating their language which eventually died out. Later, due to a change in political policy, this « dead » language was brought back. Hittite scribes transcribed / noted in cuneiform script Hattian texts. Therefore, the Hattian language is known to us through late Hittite scribal tradition. The texts we possess contain errors, variants, approximations, and thus emphasise the Hittite scribes' ignorance of this language as well as their problems in adapting it. Moreover, there are traces of the Hattian language in Hittite since vocabulary, borrowed from the Hattian lexicon, and grammatical and morphological features, are found in Hittite texts. The study of the work of the scribes also allows us to understand certain features of Hittite which are to be reconsidered in light of the Hattian substrate. ; Le hatti est la langue qui a précédé le hittite en Anatolie centrale. Les utilisateurs de cette langue étaient les Hattis, porteurs de la culture de l'Anatolie centrale au IIIe millénaire avant J.-C. A la fin du IIIe millénaire (peut-être avant), des éléments proto-indo-européens s'infiltraient dans la péninsule, s'intégraient dans la société hattie et assimilaient leur langue, qui a fini par disparaître. Plus tard, grâce à une volonté politique, cette langue a été restaurée. Les scribes hittites ont alors transcrit/noté en cunéiforme les textes hattis. Donc, le hatti ne nous est connu que par la tradition scribale hittite tardive. Les textes que nous possédons contiennent des fautes, des variantes, des approximations, et mettent en lumière la méconnaissance que les scribes hittites avaient de cette langue, et sans doute aussi des problèmes d'adaptation. Par ailleurs, le hatti a laissé des traces dans la langue hittite, puisque celle-ci a emprunté du lexique, mais aussi des constructions, des traits morphologiques. L'étude de ce travail des scribes nous permet aussi de mieux comprendre certaines particularités du hittite, qu'il faut reconsidérer à l'aune du substrat hatti.

This book is a comprehensive treatment of the ancient prophetic phenomenon as it comes to us through biblical, Near Eastern, and Greek sources. Once a distinctly biblical concept, prophecy is today acknowledged as yet another form of divination and a phenomenon that can be found all over the ancient Eastern Mediterranean. Even Greek oracle, traditionally discussed separately from biblical and Mesopotamian prophecy, is essentially part of the same picture. The book gives an up-to-date presentation of textual sources, whether cuneiform tablets from Mesopotamia, the Hebrew Bible, Greek inscriptions, or ancient historians, the number of which has increased substantially in recent times. In addition, the book includes comparative essays on topics such as prophetic ecstasy; temples as venues of prophetic performances; prophets and political rulers; and the prophets' gender which can be either male, female, or non-gendered. The book argues for a common category of ancient Eastern Mediterranean prophecy, even though the fragmentary and secondary nature of the sources allows only a restricted view to it. The ways prophetic divination manifests itself in ancient sources depend not only on the socio-religious position of the prophets but also on the genre and purpose of the sources. The book shows that, even though the view of the ancient prophetic landscape is restricted by the fragmentary and secondary nature of the sources, it is possible to reconstruct essential features of prophetic divination.

The single most valuable source of information for understanding Egypt's administration of its northern empire during the Amarna period is a corpus of roughly 350 cuneiform tablets, known collectively as the "Amarna letters." These documents, which come mostly from an archive found at Tell el-Amarna in the 1880s, were exchanged between the Egyptian court and Near Eastern rulers of polities both large and small. Although the chronology is still debated, the letters are thought to span a period of at most three decades in the latter half of the fourteenth century b.c.—between the 32nd year of Amenhotep III and the 4th year of Tutankhamun.1 While certain aspects of these letters have been extensively studied, their potential to illuminate the internal structure of the empire at this time has by no means been exhausted. As I hope to demonstrate herein, the results of a systematic study of the greeting formulas used by Egypt's vassals when addressing the pharaoh can reveal a great deal about the varying degrees of political control within the Egyptian empire. After a brief description of the methodology employed in this study, I will discuss the clustering in social rank that I believe is discernible among the different geographic areas of Egypt's northern empire. Whether these proposed rankings may potentially shed light on the preparation of individual treaties between the Egyptian state and particular vassals is the subject of the concluding section of this article.

A 1972 mimeographed quiz on Mesopotamian architecture. ; Sutherland linked architecture to cultural, political and physical contexts for his history students. Sutherland reminds the quiztakers that he has not asked for ANY dates . Sutherland taught at the University from 1958 until his retirement in 1990. His extensive knowledge of architectural history was conveyed to hundreds of prospective architects. ; Arch. History 3413 Ancient Quiz-Mesopotamia Fall 1972 Name ___________________ I. Define the following terms Briefly. Use sketches if you find it helpful. a. Stele: b. Cuneiform c. Marduk d. Stepped crenellation e. Standard of Ur II. Describe briefly one popular theory of the development of the ziggurat as an architectural form. III. Arrange the following political-cultural ______________1. Earliest periods in chronological order. Arrange their ______________2. letters in the blanks provided. I have not ______________3. asked for ANY dates. ______________4. ______________5. A. The Assyrian Empire built by a warlike people whose mightiest ruler was Assurbanipal. B. The Persion Empire of Cyrus, Darius, Xerxes, etc. C. The Sumerian City-States. D. The Babylonian Empire which reached its peak during the reign of the greet law-giver, Hammurabi. E. The Neo-Babylonian art Empire of Nebuchanezzar. IV. Describe briefly at least two characteristics of typical Assyrian-Babylonian cities. V. List at least five (5) different art forms (or works of man) which have communicated details of Mesopotamian cultures to us. A. B. C. D. E. VI. Diagram a plan of the Palace of Persopolis, labelling at least four of the principal parts. Use back side of this sheet.

The intercepted conversation that lies at the heart of this essay occurred between the pharaoh Merneptah (1213–1203 BCE)1 and his counterpart on the throne of Ugarit. At the time at which the letter was written, Egypt and Hatti were the two most important superpowers in the ancient Near East. It will be argued that the discussion surrounding the gifting (and not gifting) of statues was part and parcel of an on-going renegotiation of the nature of Ugarit's political relationship with Egypt. Thus, after first reviewing the frayed state of Ugarit's interactions with its Hittite overlord in and just prior to the reign of Merneptah, the essay will address the multifaceted role statues played in Egypt's foreign relations.2 Egyptian and Near Eastern statues were anything but inert, and the gift of a statue of a god and/or a divine king could have a whole host of related repercussions. In attempting to interpret Merneptah's original gift of the Bacal statue, as well as the pharaoh's reluctance to furnish a statue of himself to go with it, at least four distinct rationales may have come into play, each of which will be discussed separately. The original sender and recipient of this letter, no doubt, had a clear sense of which—or which combination—of these possible factors was to be found lodged between the dense cluster of cuneiform lines. For contemporary scholars, sifting through the mail of long dead strangers, however, a whole host of possibilities must be considered. While a few of these might be justly criticized as speculative, it is the goal of this essay to identify a set of questions and to provoke generative thought about possible answers.

International audience ; Assyriology covers disciplines that concern the study of the ancient Near East, and more specifically the period and the geographic area defined by the use of cuneiform writing. Archaeologists, historians and art historians who conduct research in this field work in countries at war or in countries that do not respect the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. They are confronted with situations that affect their daily work. To better understand these situations, it is essential to understand the recent history of these countries, the role played by Western researchers in the rediscovery of antiquity, and the relationship of local politicians and populations to their past. In 2003, Assyriologists created the International Association for Assyriology to better address the situation in the Near East, and since 2014, they have reacted through official statements, before reflecting on the ethical behaviour of researchers. This concerns respect for the laws of the countries under study, cooperation with local scientists, the training of future generations and the well-being of the workforce employed on archaeological excavation sites. It concerns the means to be implemented for the safeguarding and restoration of cultural heritage, without cooperating with dictatorial regimes. Finally, the ethical behaviour of the researcher depends on the transmission of knowledge to the public, and in particular information to potential buyers about the danger of contributing to the trafficking of antiquities. ; Proche-Orient antique, et plus spécifiquement sur la période et la zone géographique définies par l'usage de l'écriture cunéiforme. Les archéologues, historiens et historiens de l'art qui mènent des recherches dans ce domaine, travaillent dans des pays en guerre ou des pays qui ne respectent pas la Déclaration universelle des droits de l'homme. Ils sont confrontés à des situations qui affectent leur travail au quotidien. Pour mieux appréhender les situations, il est indispensable de maîtriser ...