Suchergebnisse

"The author sets out to explain the European Union's military operations in Africa. Are they, he asks, humanitarian responses to alleviate human suffering at the other end of the world? And are they intended to react to an increasing number of internal conflicts before their sheer number and scope turn into a global risk? Burckhardt analyses the international role of the EU as great power versus civilian power by looking at the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), and the EU missions in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in 2003 and 2006 in particular. He argues that the activities of the EU can best be explained in the framework of realism and by considering the EU as a great power since it intervenes to gain prestige - and not to alleviate misery and stop serious violations of human rights. Thus, Burckhardt concludes, the EU undertakes military intervention to serve first and foremost its own concerns and not acting out of humanitarian concerns. With regards to global risks, it seems that the EU uses situations that are commonly perceived as (global) risks, i.e. deadly internal conflicts in Africa, to put forward its own interest in strengthening its status as a great power. This behaviour, in turn, can lead to the emergence of other, new risks: less cooperation with other actors such as the UN and hence a weakening of multilateral institutions, arbitrary (non-)reaction to or disregard of situations in which reaction is really needed (e.g. Darfur), and over-emphasis of military responses to international threats to the detriment of preventive measures and international law." (extract)

Examines the impact of changes in the role of the military on realist-derived security studies that focus on the military. It is noted that problems related to nuclear weapons & nuclear deterrence led to new responses like nonoffensive defense (NOD) & confidence- & security-building measures (CSBMs) which focus on the military security of states while ignoring non-state sources of insecurity. Militarized approaches to security became more questionable after the attacks of 11 September 2001 & the subsequent war on terror. Changes in the role of military force in the increasingly globalized post-9/11 world include the shift from defense of the state to broader regional or international security tasks & peace operations. Special attention is given to the debate over whether major interstate wars are becoming extinct & other potential implications of the changing international political context. It is concluded that "the new & more complex security environment requires a much more democratic, empathetic, & cooperative approach to problem-solving" that extends the principles of NOD & CSBMs beyond states to include individuals & communities. J. Lindroth

The Chretien government's 2003 decision to commit a 1,900-man battalion group to serve with the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan rather than to send Canadian forces for combat operations against the Hussein regime in Iraq is described as a missed opportunity. It reinforced views that Canadian forces can do little more than peace-keeping force & are incapable of engaging in intense warfare. This paper examines Canada's contributions to various wars in the 1990s & the principles underlying those commitments & brings to light critical aspects of force generation & deployment of Canadian combat forces in crisis situations. The questions of political will & strategic direction will determine whether Canada will continue to offer ad hoc solutions to continuing problems or develop its capability for force generation & deployment in pursuit of its global interests. J. Stanton

Die Verfasserin schildert den Versuch der südafrikanischen Regierung, die Aktivitäten von Söldnern zu verbieten. Trotz den bestehenden internationalen Normen bieten weiterhin Söldner ihre Dienste an. Es werden zahlreiche Faktoren thematisiert, die förderlich für die Aktivitäten von Söldnern in Afrika sind. Dazu gehören die Armut, die ethnischen Spannungen und die wiederkehrenden Konflikte. Söldner werden von Herrschern und Rebellen für Operationen innerhalb des Kontinents eingesetzt. Südafrika ist der erste Staat gewesen, der entsprechende inländische Gesetze eingeführt hat. Diese verbieten Aktivitäten von Söldnern innerhalb Südafrikas sowie die Tätigkeit südafrikanischer Söldner in der Welt. Trotz dieser Gesetzgebung sind südafrikanische Söldner weiterhin aktiv. Die gut ausgebildeten ehemaligen südafrikanischen Sondereinheiten sind von der ANC-Regierung entlassen worden. Als Konsequenz betrachten viele private militärische Unternehmen Südafrika als 'Pool' von Söldnern, die zur Verfügung stehen. Es wird gezeigt, dass durch die neue inländische Gesetzgebung die südafrikanischen Söldner mit dem Dilemma konfrontiert werden, entweder heimzukommen und eine andere Beschäftigung zu finden oder nach ihrer Rückkehr ins Gefängnis zu gehen. (ICG2). Die Untersuchung enthält quantitative Daten.

Carl von Clausewitz's (1976) understanding of the relationship between politics & military action is used to comprehend the nature of relations between the mass media, the government, & the military during times of national security crisis. After reviewing contemporary literature that has scrutinized the role of the mass media in international conflict, an overview of Clausewitz's understanding of goverment-military relations is offered, emphasizing his contention that military action is an extension of political processes. The effects of particular social changes & technological advancements upon the military-political relationship within the modern US are then examined. Three hypotheses regarding the nature of the mass media's influence upon international military action are presented, eg, media coverage presently affects US martial strategies; indeed, examples of the media's effects upon the US's war strategies in Kosovo & Afghanistan are cited to bolster these suppositions. In addition, analysis of the UK mass media's reporting of UK operations in Afghanistan has revealed that such media influences have spread beyond North America. 69 References. J. W. Parker

The major question addressed in this paper is "how Canada can influence the shape & operating expectations of established & emerging coalitions to best benefit Canada's national interests," particularly in light of the challenges facing international coalitions such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) & the frequency with which states form & act through coalitions rather than individually. A major part of Canada's recent foreign policy has been to help build "coalitions of the willing" to address primarily humanitarian issues. Focus here, however, is on Canada's capability to play its commensurate role in coalition-based military operations in response to threats to world peace, rather than just offering token forces to keep its hand in the game. It is contended that much greater effort & expenditure are needed now to strengthen Canada's armed forces to the point where it can actually influence international events. The nature of coalitions & Canada's role within them are discussed, & a new national security strategy for acting through coalitions is outlined that will enable the country to regain & maintain its respected international tradition. J. Stanton

This paper discusses the challenges of operating in the context of different cultural backgrounds for multinational military interventions promoting sustainable peace-building measures. Achieving sustainability requires gaining the full cooperation of the local population -- a difficult task. Offering security guarantees is a common means of garnering support, but cultural differences not only between the local population & the multination forces, but also within the later, make it difficult to build sufficient confidence in the security measures at the grassroots level of the society. Forging relationships in what are described as "third generational conflict theaters" demands understanding the importance of local dynamics. The analysis is based on research covering multinational interventions in Haiti (1994-1996), Bosnia (1996 & 1998-1999), Somalia (1997), & Northern Ireland (1999), the methodologies of which are described. All four cases illustrate the necessity of interoperability for successful outcomes. The conclusion focuses on this necessity & emphasizes the need for Canada to increase its training in this strategy. References. J. Stanton

An examination of Canadian peacekeeping operations in Somalia during the 1990s is used to argue that the increase in peacekeeping missions in the post-Cold War period demands an analysis of problems related to using people trained to kill other human beings in peace operations. This "militarized masculinity" often leads to war crimes that, in the case of Somalia, destroyed the myth that Canadian forces were morally pure & altruistic. Peacekeeping mission restrictions such as firing weapons only in self-defense run counter to dominant notions of military purpose. These missions are often ridiculed by members of the traditional military culture who were trained to do battle. The resulting tensions can have disastrous consequences like the 1993 brutal murder of Somali teenager Shidane Abukar Arone by two Canadian soldiers that shocked Canadian citizens who had never seen their soldiers accused of atrocities. The incident challenged the longstanding belief that "Americans fought wars" but "Canadians made peace." The need to acknowledge the reality that soldiers do not always make the best peacekeepers is emphasized. J. Lindroth

"This chapter will examine a fundamental dichotomy that has developed within the academic, technical and policy communities when it comes to understanding, advancing, and communicating work on cyberspace within global affairs. This distinct tendency today has technical cyber scholarship partially blind and deaf to important political ramifications while political cyber work remains partially illiterate and mute on cyberspace's technical complexity. This dichotomy not only exists as an intellectual barrier between scholars of the hard and social sciences, it impinges on progressive cooperation between the political and technical communities. Consequently, there is a gap weakening the scope and reach of theoretical and empirical work on cyberspace in general. Indeed, this problem has the potential to become exponentially larger in the immediate future: not only are real-world professionals and scholars having trouble building bridges between obvious mutual interests, but this 'Chinese knowledge wall' separates each group respectively. Just as phreaking involves a subculture of specialists who experiment and toy with telecommunication systems, the intellectual, technical, and governmental worlds need a new generation of 'phreak-scholars' who are adept at building connections between these diverse, inter-related knowledge bases." (author's abstract)