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The article is devoted to the review of key events in the political life of the island of Cyprus. Historically, due to religious, national, linguistic differences and as a result of the Cyprus conflict, political differences, relations between the Greeks and Turks remain tense.Therefore, the study considered systemic errors in the methods of resolving the identity, non-fulfillment of the conditions set and the uncompromising policy of the Turkish government. ; Стаття присвячена огляду ключових подій політичного життя острова Кіпр. Історично так склалося, що в зв'язку з релігійними, національними, мовними відмінностями, і внаслідок Кіпрського конфлікту політичними розбіжностями, відносини між греками і турками залишаються напруженими. Тому в дослідженні було розглянуто системні похибки, які було закладено в основу процесу врегулювання Кіпрської кризи.

The article is devoted to the policy of the 39th President of the USА from the Democratic Party, Jimmy Carter, regarding the Cyprus problem. The foreign policy aspects of the Cyprus issue, such as negotiations with Greece, Turkey, Cyprus leaders, the development of peacekeeping projects and diplomatic maneuvers of US officials, are considered. Attention is also paid to less obvious details of the politics of the Democratic Party. The role of the Cyprus issue in the pre-election campaign of 1976 is analyzed, since the Cyprus problem remained unsolved as a result of the activities of the Republican Party. This argument was successfully used in election criticism of the opponents. An important aspect of the activities of the democratic party was the search for support from the ethnic communities of the United States, among which the American Greeks represented one of the most influential lobby. In connection with this, the connection of J. Carter with the American Greeks in the context of his policyaimed at resolving the Cyprus problem is traced. A gradual loss of popularity of the American president is shown, as one of the consequences of the unresolved Cyprus issue. ; Стаття присвячена політиці адміністрації 39-го президента США від демократичної партії Джиммі Картера щодо кіпрської проблеми. Розглянуті зовнішньополітичні аспекти кіпрського питання, а саме переговори з Грецією, Туреччиною, лідерами Кіпру, розробкамиротворчих проектів та дипломатичні маневри американських урядовців. Також увага приділена й менш очевидним деталям в політиці демократичної партії. Аналізується роль кіпрського питання у передвиборчій програмі 1976 р., адже кіпрська проблема залишиласьневирішеною за підсумками діяльності республіканської партії. Цей аргумент вдало використовувався у передвиборчій критиці опонентів. Важливим аспектом діяльності демократичної партії був пошук підтримки поміж етнічних громад США, серед яких американські греки представляли одне із найвпливовіших лобі. У зв'язку з цим простежено зв'язок Дж. Картера із американськими греками в контексті його політики, спрямованої на вирішення кіпрської проблеми. Показано поступову втрату популярності американськогопрезидента як один із наслідків невирішеності кіпрського питання.

The paper is devoted to the Middle East terrorism as a regional problem in the 1970-1980s. Cyprus has a great geopolitical and strategic significance for all regional subjects and global actors. Therefore, the island became an arena of the terroristic activity since the mid-1970s. An Islamic terrorism in Cyprus was analyzed as an integral part of the Middle East regional system.The paper focuses on the Cyprus government's home policy in the context of the Middle East security and its international contacts with principal regional countries as a main factor of the terroristic activity in Cyprus. The terroristic acts committed by the different the Muslim groups, special operations conducted by Israel to neutralized them and the Western countries` positions were researched in the paper. The article is based on the US documents and the world press.Several aspects of the terroristic activity in Cyprus could be distinguished. The first aspect presents problems of the relations between Cyprus and the Arabic countries. Due to the PLO militants` activity the Cyprus government was hurter by a military conflict with grave political consequences.The balance in relations between Cyprus and Muslim East was broken for a long time. Egypt threatened Cyprus with the international recognition of the Turkish Federation of the Northern Cyprus. The second root of the terroristic problem of Cyprus was based on the friendly ties with PLO. An island turned into a key-point of arms smuggling from Europe to the Middle East. This fact deteriorated Cyprus relations with Israel and NATO countries.An Arabic-Israeli confrontation also worsened situation in Cyprus. Terrorists committed attacks against Israeli diplomatic and culture institutions located in Cyprus. In return, Israel activated special operations on the island.Both sides didn't inform the Cyprus authority about their actions. Also, some terroristic attacks against NATO country were taken place in Cyprus.The biggest collapse happened during terroristic attack against the British base Akrotiri. In addition, controversy among different Arabic parts was evidenced in Cyprus.It should be pointed out that Cyprus played a role of regional tension's arena. The Republic, its sovereignty and people were neither an object nor a subject of the terrorism in the Middle East. ; Стаття присвячена тероризму на Близькому Сході в період його зародження як міжнародної проблеми в 1970-1980-х рр. Надано комплексний аналіз арабському тероризму на одному із найбільш важливих із стратегічної точки зору об'єктів регіону – острові Кіпр. Внутрішня політика кіпрського уряду в контексті близькосхідної безпеки та його міжнародні зв'язки із основними гравцями регіону розглянуті як чинники терористичної діяльності на острові. На основі матеріалів преси та американських документів досліджуються основні теракти бойовиків різних ісламістських організації, спеціальні операції Ізраїлю проти них та позиція західних країн щодо подій на Кіпрі в 1970-1980-х рр.

The paper is devoted to the Middle East terrorism as a regional problem in the 1970-1980s. Cyprus has a great geopolitical and strategic significance for all regional subjects and global actors. Therefore, the island became an arena of the terroristic activity since the mid-1970s. An Islamic terrorism in Cyprus was analyzed as an integral part of the Middle East regional system.The paper focuses on the Cyprus government's home policy in the context of the Middle East security and its international contacts with principal regional countries as a main factor of the terroristic activity in Cyprus. The terroristic acts committed by the different the Muslim groups, special operations conducted by Israel to neutralized them and the Western countries` positions were researched in the paper. The article is based on the US documents and the world press.Several aspects of the terroristic activity in Cyprus could be distinguished. The first aspect presents problems of the relations between Cyprus and the Arabic countries. Due to the PLO militants` activity the Cyprus government was hurter by a military conflict with grave political consequences.The balance in relations between Cyprus and Muslim East was broken for a long time. Egypt threatened Cyprus with the international recognition of the Turkish Federation of the Northern Cyprus. The second root of the terroristic problem of Cyprus was based on the friendly ties with PLO. An island turned into a key-point of arms smuggling from Europe to the Middle East. This fact deteriorated Cyprus relations with Israel and NATO countries.An Arabic-Israeli confrontation also worsened situation in Cyprus. Terrorists committed attacks against Israeli diplomatic and culture institutions located in Cyprus. In return, Israel activated special operations on the island.Both sides didn't inform the Cyprus authority about their actions. Also, some terroristic attacks against NATO country were taken place in Cyprus.The biggest collapse happened during terroristic attack against the British base Akrotiri. In addition, controversy among different Arabic parts was evidenced in Cyprus.It should be pointed out that Cyprus played a role of regional tension's arena. The Republic, its sovereignty and people were neither an object nor a subject of the terrorism in the Middle East. ; Стаття присвячена тероризму на Близькому Сході в період його зародження як міжнародної проблеми в 1970-1980-х рр. Надано комплексний аналіз арабському тероризму на одному із найбільш важливих із стратегічної точки зору об'єктів регіону – острові Кіпр. Внутрішня політика кіпрського уряду в контексті близькосхідної безпеки та його міжнародні зв'язки із основними гравцями регіону розглянуті як чинники терористичної діяльності на острові. На основі матеріалів преси та американських документів досліджуються основні теракти бойовиків різних ісламістських організації, спеціальні операції Ізраїлю проти них та позиція західних країн щодо подій на Кіпрі в 1970-1980-х рр.

This study provides information on the development of events in the Turkish-occupied territory of northern Cyprus. The methodological basis of the work is a systematic approach, the principle of historicism, scientific objectivity, critical thinking and approach to scientific literature. The study of this topic consists in studying the problem posed in order to assess the problematic nature of the territory of Cyprus and Turkey's interference in the affairs of this region ; У даному дослідженні проаналізована інформація про розвиток подій на окупованій Туреччиною територією півночі Кіпру. Методологічною основою роботи є системний підхід, принцип історизму, наукової об'єктивності, критичного мислення та підходу до наукової літератури. Дослідження даної тематики полягає у вивченні поставленої проблеми, щоб дати оцінку проблемності території Кіпру та втручання Туреччини у справи цього регіону

В дослідженні розкриваються нагальні питання фінансування політичних партій в Республіці Кіпр. Особливу увагу приділено законодавчим актам, регулюючим діяльність партій, порівнюються закони про фінансування політичних партій 2011 р. і 2012 р. Автор аналізує рекомендації міжнародних організацій по боротьбі з корупцією. У висновку виділяються етапи формування системи фінансування кіпрських партій. Автором надаються прогноз та пропозиції щодо подальших кроків на шляху до прозорості в партійних фінансах. ; В исследовании раскрываются актуальные вопросы финансирования политических партий в Республике Кипр. Особое внимание уделено законодательным актам, регулирующим деятельность партий, сравниваются законы о финансировании политических партий 2011 г. и 2012 г. Автор анализирует рекомендации международных организаций по борьбе с коррупцией. В заключении выделяются этапы формирования системы финансирования кипрских партий. Автором предоставляются прогноз и предложения относительно дальнейших шагов на пути к прозрачности в партийных финансах ; The issue of transparency of fiancing of political parties in the Republic of Cyprus has recently caused more debate. This topic is on the agenda of international organizations with the aim to combat corruption, of the Cyprus Parliament discussing Political Parties Law. The aim of this study is to determine the features of formation of the fiancing political parties' system in the Republic of Cyprus, to allocate the stages towards transparency of this system. Considering the evolution of the party fiance regulating system in the Republic of Cyprus author identifis three stages: 1960 – 1991, 1991 - 2011, 2011 – till nowadays. These stages he divided according to the degree of state control over political fiancing. In this context, special attention was paid to the Law on registration, fiancing of political parties and similar issues in 2011 and 2012, which for the fist time regulate public and private fiancing, anonymous donations, as well as reporting and control.Along with this recommendations of the public and international non-governmental organizations for the adoption of amendments to current legislation to promote reform in the existing system are considered. Particular attention is paid to the Group of States against Corruption / GRECO and to the Third Evaluation Report on Cyprus on transparency of party funding. The author concludes that the adoption of these two documents was the result of the GRECO recommendations. Separating features towards to transparency in political party funding in the Republic of Cyprus, the author points out not only the important role of international organizations. He fids out that this issue should be considered in the context of Europeanization of political parties. Comparing stages of European integration of the island with the stages mentioned above, he points to the Europeanization of party funding regulation in Cyprus. In summary, the author provides forecasts about the prospects for reforming of the Cypriot party funding regulatory system, the need to discuss the issue of legalization lobby in Cyprus.

The paper is devoted to the American diplomacy in the Eastern Mediterranean in the firsthalf of the 1960s. The Cyprus question's role in the US regional policy was analyzed. Thepresidents` doctrines concerned the Middle East priority and the communist threat preventionwere the guiding ideas of the US foreign policy. Therefore, the Cyprus interethnic conflict of1963-1964 was regarded as a potentially dangerous phenomenon. An earlier reconciliationproject for Greek and Turk communities proposed by the US was researched in this article. TheUS doctrinal policy was based on direct the interference in the conflict and involving of theAmerican military forces in the peacemaking operations. The possibility of partial restriction ofthe Cyprus sovereignty or its total abolition was discussed by the American diplomats at thatperiod. The geographical partition of the communities was considered as a clue to the Cyprusquestion. An attention was paid to the external factors that influenced on the US decisionstowards Cyprus. American interests in the Middle East, the specific features of the relationsbetween Greece and Turkey, insecurity in the so called «Eastern flank of NATO», postcolonialpolicy of Great Britain were reviewed as such factors. A special challenge for the US diplomacywas negative and intransigent attitude by the Greek and Turk community's leaders towardsexternal influence. In 1964 the USA send two diplomatic missions to convince the opposingparties of the need to accept the American project. The US diplomatic activity strengthened theinternationalization of the Cyprus question. After the fail of the conservative US projectstowards the Cyprus question, a way to the international peacekeeping operation provided by theUnited Nations had been paved. ; В статі аналізується американська дипломатія в Східному Середземномор'ї впершій половині 1960-х рр. Користуючись президентськими доктринами щодопріоритетності Близькосхідного регіону та недопущення «комуністичної загрози», СШАрозцінювали міжетнічний конфлікт на Кіпрі 1963-1964 рр. як потенційно небезпечнеявище. Досліджується американський проект примирення греків та турків-кіпріотів довведення на острів міжнародного контингенту ООН. Доктринальна політика США тогочасу спиралась на консервативних засадах й допускала залучення власних національнихзбройних сил в якості миротворців. Проговорювалась можливість частковогообмеження кіпрського суверенітету та територіальне розмежування громад острова.Окрема увага приділена зовнішнім факторам, що вплинули на США при прийняттізазначеного рішення: власні інтереси на Близькому Сході, особливості відносин міжГрецією та Туреччиною як фактор нестабільності НАТО, постколоніальна політикаВеликої Британії тощо. Особливу складність становила непримиренна позиція лідерівгрецької та турецької громад острова по відношенню один до одного та до зовнішньоговпливу. В 1964 р. США надіслали на Кіпр дві дипломатичні місії з метою довестиворогуючим сторонам вигідність американських проектів та схилити супротивниківприпинити конфлікт. Дії США поглибили інтернаціоналізацію кіпрського питання,налаштували громади острова проти зовнішнього впливу. Але, в той же час, ці заходивідкривши шлях до миротворчої діяльності ООН, яка розпочалась відразу після згортанняамериканського проекту.

The Cyprus conflict is studied as an example of a frozen ethnopolitical conflict, which has led to the disintegration of this island state, whose components can't unite for many decades, despite domestic and international efforts. Its ethnic, historical and political origins are analyzed. The author concludes that the main obstacles to the integration of Cyprus lie in the external, rather than the internal sphere. The attempts of Turkey, Greece and Great Britain to maintain control over this part of the Mediterranean ruined the ethnic balance, sharpened the interethnic controversy on the island and transformed them into a political and foreign policy factors. It is proposed to start the unification of Cyprus not from the neutralization of the conflict-causing effect of the ethnic factor, but from the destruction of the ulti-level structure of the conflict through the withdrawal of external participants, primarily Turkey and Greece, taking into account that the EU has sufficient ways to neutralize the claims of neighboring states to the island, which heats the degree of tension. ; Кіпрський конфлікт досліджується як приклад замороженого етнополітичного конфлікту, що призвів до дезінтеграції цієї острівної держави, складові якої не можуть об'єднатися впродовж багатьох десятиліть, незважаючи на внутрішні та міжнародні зусилля. Аналізуються його етнічні, історичні та політичні витоки. Автор доходить висновку, що головні перешкоди інтеграції Кіпру лежать більше у зовнішній, ніж внутрішньокіпрській площині. Намагання Туреччини, Греції та Великобри-танії зберегти контроль над цією частиною Серед-земномор'я призвели до порушення етнічного балансу, загострення міжетнічних суперечностей на острові та переведення їх у політичну та зовнішньо-політичнуплощину. Пропонується починати об'єднання Кіпру не з нейтралізації конфліктогенної дії етнічного фактора, а з руйнування багаторівневої структури конфлікту шляхом виведення з нього зовнішніх учасників, насамперед Туреччини та Греції, враховуючи, що ЄС має достатньо важелів для нейтралізації претензій сусідніх держав на острів, які підігрівають градус напруги конфлікту. ; Кіпрський конфлікт досліджується як приклад замороженого етнополітичного конфлікту, що призвів до дезінтеграції цієї острівної держави, складові якої не можуть об'єднатися впродовж багатьох десятиліть, незважаючи на внутрішні та міжнародні зусилля. Аналізуються його етнічні, історичні та політичні витоки. Автор доходить висновку, що головні перешкоди інтеграції Кіпру лежать більше у зовнішній, ніж внутрішньокіпрській площині. Намагання Туреччини, Греції та Великобри-танії зберегти контроль над цією частиною Серед-земномор'я призвели до порушення етнічного балансу, загострення міжетнічних суперечностей на острові та переведення їх у політичну та зовнішньо-політичнуплощину. Пропонується починати об'єднання Кіпру не з нейтралізації конфліктогенної дії етнічного фактора, а з руйнування багаторівневої структури конфлікту шляхом виведення з нього зовнішніх учасників, насамперед Туреччини та Греції, враховуючи, що ЄС має достатньо важелів для нейтралізації претензій сусідніх держав на острів, які підігрівають градус напруги конфлікту.

Nowadays, the concept of mentality - is the object of study of such blighty and foreign scientists as I. Abramova, J. Bychko, I. Habdulhafarova, P. Hnatenko, J. Grabowski, N. Gregoriv, I. Dintselbakh, R. Dodonov, P . Kravchenko, S. Krimsky, A. Lavryk, A. Liseyenko, M. Popovic, I. Starovoit, V. Khramova and others.However, even at present time, science has not gained unanimous and exhaustive definition of what the term "mentality" is . There are represented numerous variants of it: mindset, mental attitude, collective representation, mentality, character of thinking, seeing of the world, and so on. German scientist Peter Dintselbaher determines mentality as a set of methods and contents of thought and perception, which are typical for the relevant collective in the relevant period. The modern Ukrainian Academic Victoria Khramova treats mentality as a worldview, that is formed at a deep psychological level of individual or collective consciousness. We also attempted to summarize our own interpretation and defined it as: mentality - is a character of thoughts, a set of mental skills and spiritual priorities, that are generated by the surrounding reality, which determine the behavior of the individual person or social group.There are many types of mentality: men, women, children, youth, professional, ethnic, national, etc. In the current scientific literature there is some uncertainty about the term "national mentality". It is often treated as synonymous with such concepts as "national character", "national luck", "national consciousness", "the soul of the nation" and others. But S. Grabowski , S. Stavroyani and L. Shkliar treat it as "national political mentality". At the present stage of development of Ukraine, when national relationship are subordinate to two trends: on the one hand the formation and development of nations, and the other – scrapping of the national boundaries by integration processes, we thought that a scientific understanding of the nature of national mentality is one of the primary scientific objectives. We dared to present our version of the understanding of the national mentality. The national mentality is - way of thinking, mental structure, psychological specialties of politically and stately organized nation, which became the cultural, economic, and ideological identity.European integration provides Zatushuvannya not only of legal differences, but also of mental. Between states of the European Union exist extremely serious language barriers, as Margaret Thatcher notes, in the current member - states, people speak not less than on 12 major languages: English, Greek, Danish, Irish (hэlskiy), Spanish (Castilian) Italian, German, Dutch, Portuguese, Finnish, French and Swedish languages. Except their native language 41 % of Europeans speak English, 19 % - French and 10 % - German. Moreover, 70 % of Europeans believe that in EU everyone must know English language. Over time, Margaret Thatcher said, Europeans can completely switch to communicate only in English. Language - is not just a way of communication or exchanging of information. This is - one of the most characteristical features, in which historical, cultural and moral experience of native people is focused. Once Ukraine already had to go through the processes of Russification, Polonizing, Germanization. So can we protect our native language? After all, it is the most important mental attribute. Academician of the Academy of Sciences of Higher School of Ukraine, Doctor of Psychology Anatoly Furman in his work "Psychological culture of Ukrainian mentality" has formed a number of functions , that mentality performs in society. To this comprehensive characteristics we would add only one thing - mentality integrates people into a nation. Loss of national mentality can lead to the loss of the nation.Social adaptation to the conditions of life in Europe requires from each nation to cede certain principles of mental development, such as the prestige of ethnic values, cultural endonym, ethnic identity, and so on. By survey of Time Magazine, 26 March 2001, every third inhabitant of the EU country feels himself as an European, not a citizen of his own country. However, this figure varies depending on the country: 40 % of young Italians consider themselves primarily Europeans, and in the UK this figure is 25%. Unfortunately today standards of democracy and human rights in the European Union failed to reconcile the fundamental mental values of national states, to create new forms of interaction between people to achieve social harmony. Realistic assessment of modern European ethnicity is characterized by diversity of conflicts. In September 2011, in north Bohemia: City Varnedorf, Usti nad Labem, Rubmurk, Shluknov, Novy Bor and even Prague were covered by anti-Gypsy protests. If previously these moves were the prerogative of skinheads, now victorian Czechs went on demonstrations on T-shirts with the inscription "Bring Hitler back. Gypsies- to the gas chambers ."At the same time anti-Gypsy protests took place in another EU country - Bulgaria. What if after a while similar protests will affect not only the Gypsy nation? Autumn events in France and London in 2012 also tell about complexity, contradiction and ambiguity of ethnic relations. Europe is a dangerous confrontational region already for a long time. Today is a very difficult situation in Belgium, which Flemish nationalism breaks apart. Still is not exhausted the Anglo- Irish conflict, is not subsided ethno-political conflict between the people of Catalonia and the Government of Spain , between the Basque Country people and the central government of Spain. The island of Cyprus is shared by so-called " Green Line ", which is protected by peacekeeping contingents and separates the Republic of Cyprus ( 60% of territory and 770,000 people) and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (38 % of the territory - 300 000 people) , which was self-proclaimed in 1983. The Republic of Cyprus is recognized by all countries, except Turkey and the TRNC (Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus ) is recognized by Turkey and Abkhazia. We can remind a series of anti Hungarian moves held in May - early June 2012 by the initiative of the new Romanian government. At the heart of most conflicts in Europe are both objective and subjective contradictions. And one of the main - the desire to confirm their nationality. The historical way, that Ukrainian people passed, formed not militant, but compassionate, sincere Ukrainian nation, to which, as notes D.Chizhevsky, emotionalism , sentimentalism , sensitivity and lyricism is inherent . Even till now Ukrainian mentality is under the influence of ethnic symbols of grain-grower - agriculturist (who represents the Ukrainian peasants ), defender - protector (that is personified with the Ukrainian Cossacks ), Mother Hostess ( Mother - Guardian ). They are formed by the social, genetic , political , religious , legal , moral, ethical , economic , ethnic , ideological , historical and international factors. In independent Ukraine , in our opinion , is fairly weak class of political elite : some of them ideologically stopped in the former of the Soviet Union , and since independence new generation is not yet crystallized, some of them went abroad, some are not working for reunion , but for the separation of Ukrainians. But actually this last part along with a culture-creating elite will be the buffer that will protect Ukrainian from the European individualism and egocentrism, from foreign ideals and values, that have grown on an entirely different ethnic and mental basis.Although mentality is forming for a long time, it is a living organism, to which persistent representations and bedding of new are inherent. It may experience periods of recovery, upturns, decline, destruction and loss of its main features. But then on the basis of vague mental values no national idea can grow, because national mentality is that integrating, unifying factor in the existence of any nation-state. In such conditions development of basic principles of preserving national mentality is extremely important,also as a formation of clear strategic and tactical targets, including those enormous changes that have taken place in Europe and in the world at the turn of XX-XXI centuries. ; Поднимается вопрос о сохранении национальной ментальности как одного из показательных признаков нации в условиях евроинтеграции. Представляется терминологическая дискуссионность и взгляды других ученых. Обобщаются теоретические концепции проблемы, что дает возможность сравнить взгляды других ученых на процесс развития национальной ментальности и выявить структурные элементы или фазы развития. ; Ставиться питання про збереження національної ментальності як однієї із показових ознак нації в умовах євроінтеграції. Представляється термінологічна дискусійність та погляди інших науковців. Узагальнюються теоретичні концепції проблеми, що дає можливість порівняти погляди інших науковців на процес розвитку національної ментальності та виявити структурні елементи або фази розвитку.

The main purpose of the article is to analyze the ways of obtaining several citizenships as a result of investing or acquiring real estate or assets of national enterprises. The paper gives a classification of countries that provide such opportunity depending on the procedure for obtaining citizenship: whether it occurs immediately after making an investment or obtaining a residence permit and the possibility of the subsequent entry into citizenship after a certain period of time. In the article, these two groups of countries are considered by examples of Dominica, Malta, Cyprus, the United States and Bulgaria. The author emphasizes that the possibility of obtaining several nationalities should be regulated by the national legislation of each country separately. Therefore, the article also gives the position of the Ukrainian legislator on this issue. The paper identifies the main features of citizenship as a legal category, examines its content, as well as defines the main obligations assumed by each other individual and state as a result of the existence of such a legal relationship as citizenship between them. It is also proposed to consider the advantages and disadvantages both for a person seeking two or more citizenships, and for the state of its primary citizenship and the state which grants her second citizenship. The author makes the conclusion that multiple citizenship is an advantage for an individual as a result of expanding his capabilities in different spheres of activity, but the state of primary citizenship suffers only losses in the form of emigration of talented people and the leakage of capital beyond the state.

У статті розглянуто питання підготовки вчителів до використання інформаційно-комунікаційних технологій у професійній діяльності у країнах Європейського Союзу. Визначено місце підготовки майбутніх вчителів у галузі ІКТ у системах педагогічної освіти різних країн та висвітлено основні кроки, що були зроблені у напрямку її вдосконалення.В статье рассмотрен вопрос подготовки учителей к использованию информационно-коммуникационных технологий в профессиональной деятельности в странах Европейского Союза. Определенно место подготовки будущих учителей в системах педагогического образования разных стран и освещены основные шаги, которые были сделанные в направлении ее усовершенствования.Teacher training in the field of information and communication technologies is considered as an important question in many countries. Today teachers must be able to use ICT in teaching and their own continuing professional development.The aim of the article is to examine the place of ICT training in the systems of initial teacher education of the European Union countries.According to the findings, there are no policies concerning ICT in initial teacher education in Greece, Estonia and Portugal. There is also no information about the specific policies in Luxembourg, the Czech Republic, Cyprus and Malta. However, most of teacher training institutions or universities of these countries include ICT training in their educational programmes.In Austria, Denmark, Ireland and Finland, ICT in initial teacher education forms part of national strategic documents. ICT training is compulsory in Bulgaria, Spain, Romania and Hungary.In Belgium (Flemish Community), Italy, Lithuania and Slovakia, competence in the field of information and communication technology is considered as one of the basic teacher competences that must be formed during initial teacher education. ICT is fully integrated into initial teacher education in the UK, Latvia, the Netherlands, Germany, Poland and Sweden and is included in professional standards. France has also implemented national certification.

У статті розглянуто питання підготовки вчителів до використання інформаційно-комунікаційних технологій у професійній діяльності у країнах Європейського Союзу. Визначено місце підготовки майбутніх вчителів у галузі ІКТ у системах педагогічної освіти різних країн та висвітлено основні кроки, що були зроблені у напрямку її вдосконалення.В статье рассмотрен вопрос подготовки учителей к использованию информационно-коммуникационных технологий в профессиональной деятельности в странах Европейского Союза. Определенно место подготовки будущих учителей в системах педагогического образования разных стран и освещены основные шаги, которые были сделанные в направлении ее усовершенствования.Teacher training in the field of information and communication technologies is considered as an important question in many countries. Today teachers must be able to use ICT in teaching and their own continuing professional development.The aim of the article is to examine the place of ICT training in the systems of initial teacher education of the European Union countries.According to the findings, there are no policies concerning ICT in initial teacher education in Greece, Estonia and Portugal. There is also no information about the specific policies in Luxembourg, the Czech Republic, Cyprus and Malta. However, most of teacher training institutions or universities of these countries include ICT training in their educational programmes.In Austria, Denmark, Ireland and Finland, ICT in initial teacher education forms part of national strategic documents. ICT training is compulsory in Bulgaria, Spain, Romania and Hungary.In Belgium (Flemish Community), Italy, Lithuania and Slovakia, competence in the field of information and communication technology is considered as one of the basic teacher competences that must be formed during initial teacher education. ICT is fully integrated into initial teacher education in the UK, Latvia, the Netherlands, Germany, Poland and Sweden and is included in professional standards. France has also implemented national certification.

Scientific approaches to highlighting the main elements of the political map of the world have been updated. The criteria of the state in the political-geographical context have been considered. The list of the main elements of the political map of the world - states, quasi-states, and non-self-governing territories has been offered. These are those entities that have a territory and borders with varying degrees of control, as well as the political system as one of the subsystems of society with varying degrees of internal and external sovereignty and institutional formation.The state is a territorially organized and politically sovereign society. Based on political and geographical criteria (state territory, borders, population, internal and external sovereignty) and customary approaches in the system of international relations (predominant recognition of sovereignty by UN member states), three types of states have been identified: sovereign states (187 UN member states and UN observer state - Vatican); sovereign states not recognized by one or more states (6 UN member states - Armenia, Israel, North Korea, PRC, Republic of Cyprus, Republic of Korea); sovereign states that de facto do not exist, but are de jure recognized by many states (UN observer state - Palestine). In 2021 the total number of sovereign states is 195. The definition of quasi-states is based on the same criteria, and the typology takes into account in each case the degree and features of the manifestation of these features at the present stage. Quasi-states are countries that have the following characteristics: clear geographical parameters (territory, borders); population characterized by the linguistic, cultural, ethnopolitical, or social community; limited or no external sovereignty; weak domestic political power of the government to lead the country. Six types of quasi-states have been identified: countries whose sovereignty is partially recognized (Kosovo); countries that are de facto sovereign, but de jure not recognized by most states ...

The current course of all EU regional grouping countries aimed at implementing sustainable development as a fundamental objective of the Europe 2020 strategy has been highlighted in the article. Revitalization programs are considered as a tool for achieving sustainable development goals. The study of revitalization and its programs has been carried out, in the content of which the purpose, norms and process of their implementation at the international and regional level are highlighted. Emphasis is placed on funding as a major tool in the implementation of these programs. The system of financing at all its levels is organized in accordance with the principle of division into fixed assets, which are common to all Member States of the European Union. The financial receipts from the European organizations to the national funds in the period from 2014 to 2020 have been observed. The case study of the new member states of the EU explored the system of practical application of the international and regional model of sustainable development programs. The main investor in the research process is the European Union, namely its main banking structural and investment organizations, which replenish the corresponding funds of national economies by 7080% of the total amount, the rest is earmarked for local revenues. The 10 countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) that joined the European Regional Group during the 2004 enlargement, Hungary, Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Slovenia, Lithuania, Latvia, Cyprus, Bulgaria, are illustrative examples. The object of the analytical study was: statistical indicators of sustainable development, divided into seventeen basic goals and the volume of financing of selected countries from structural and investment funds. In the course of the correlation analysis, only a third of the Sustainable Development Goals and their financial revenues were sufficiently correlated. Other factors, such as social, technological, informational, economic, foreign economic and, above all, political, ...

The article considers the basic set of rights owned by foreigners located in the territory of Ukraine. It also characterizes legal status of foreign citizens in the realm of their right to choose their place of residence and freedom of movement, the right to life and health care, the right to conclude and dissolve a marriage on the territory of Ukraine. It is noted that the right to choose a place of residence and freedom of movement, being an absolute right, can still be somewhat limited for both citizens of the respective state and foreigners. This is due in particular to the special regime of the border or occupied territory. It is determined that in Ukraine, in fact, there is no generally accepted principle of equality between residents patients and non-residents like in Europe. This is due to ambiguous rules regarding the payment of medical services. The article also describes the conditions for the conclusion and termination of marriage by foreigners on the territory of Ukraine. Particular attention is paid to the rights in which the Ukrainian legislator somewhat restricts foreign citizens, in particular, it concerns a group of political rights. In this aspect, it is emphasized the need to involve foreigners in matters of local importance, by means of a legally stipulated permit for their participation in local elections. As an example, there are a number of European countries, including Austria, Belgium, the UK, Greece, Denmark, Estonia, Spain, Cyprus, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, the Netherlands, Poland, Germany, Portugal, Slovakia, Slovenia, Hungary, Finland , France, Czech Republic, where the norm is fixed, with the possibility of foreigners to participate in (vote) in local elections, in case of confirmation of residence in the territory of the municipality within a certain period. Also, it is proposed to bring in line with international standards and Art. 39 of the Constitution of Ukraine, which actually restricts foreign citizens from meeting peacefully and thereby defending their violated ...