Component: 1.3.4. Tools and methods supporting MSP process Sub-component: 1.3.4.1 Interactions between uses and between uses and environment, including cumulative impacts. MSP as a process must be based on a strong and shared knowledge of planned areas. Distribution of each activity and their needs have to be evaluated as well as location of species and habitats, associated with a good comprehension of ecosystems functionalities. The focus has been done on approaches seeking to evaluate and map effects of human activities in marine ecosystems. Various tools and approaches have been developed throughout the world to do so (like examples in France and Portugal). Their use as source of information to feed MSP is an ongoing question. This action aims to detail and compare the mains caracteristics of the tools developed in SIMNORAT countries. A better comprehension of divergence between approaches is a step toward an increased transboundary coherence for MSP processes. ; This report was produced as part of SIMNORAT Project (Grant Agreement N0. EASME/EMFF/2015/1.2.1.3/03/SI2.742089). Competition for maritime space – for renewable energy equipment, aquaculture and other uses – has highlighted the need to manage our waters more coherently. Maritime spatial planning (MSP) works across borders and sectors to ensure human activities at sea take place in an efficient, safe and sustainable way. That is why the European Parliament and the Council have adopted a legislation to create a common framework for maritime spatial planning in Europe. The Directive 2014/89/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council of 23 July 2014 (said Maritime Spatial Planning Directive) establishes a framework in order to reduce conflicts between sectors and create synergies between different activities, to encourage investment – by creating predictability, transparency and clearer rules, to increase cross-border cooperation – between EU countries to develop energy grids, shipping lanes, pipelines, submarine cables and other activities, but ...
In den letzten 20 Jahren hat sich das Rollenbild der Mütter in Deutschland sehr stark gewandelt, wie eine Auswertung des Sozio-oekonomischen Panels (SOEP) zeigt. Wollten im Jahr 1998 noch 26,3 Prozent der Frauen im Alter zwischen 25 und 54 Jahren mit minderjährigen oder volljährigen Kindern keiner Erwerbstätigkeit nachgehen, lag dieser Anteil im Jahr 2018 nur noch bei 12,4 Prozent. Gleichzeitig ist im letzten Jahrzehnt auch eine starke Tendenz weg von der kleinen Teilzeit mit weniger als 20 Stunden in der Woche und hin zur Vollzeit oder vollzeitnahen Teilzeit zu beobachten. Allerdings unterscheiden sich die Erwerbswünsche je nach sozioökonomischem Hintergrund stark. So wollten Mütter ohne berufsqualifizierenden Abschluss im Jahr 2018 mit 25,4 Prozent mehr als dreimal so häufig keiner Erwerbstätigkeit nachgehen wie Mütter mit Hochschulabschluss mit 8,0 Prozent. Ebenso findet sich ein derartiges traditionelles Rollenbild auch bei zugewanderten Müttern und Müttern mit drei und mehr Kinder besonders oft. Auch wollen Mütter mit gutverdienenden Partnern unter sonst gleichen Bedingungen häufiger in Teilzeit und seltener in Vollzeit arbeiten. Überdies zeigt sich auch über ein Vierteljahrhundert nach der Wiedervereinigung noch ein so starkes Ost-Westgefälle, dass die Anforderungen an die Vereinbarkeit von Familie und Beruf als strukturell unterschiedlich einzustufen sind. Betrachtet man die im SOEP ebenfalls erhobenen Einschätzungen der Mütter dazu, ob Männer und Frauen möglichst gleich viel erwerbstätig sein und sich um Haushalt und Familie kümmern sollten sowie ob Kinder im Alter unter drei und unter sechs Jahren unter einer Erwerbstätigkeit der Mütter leiden, wird deutlich, dass sich nicht nur die Erwerbswünsche, sondern auch die erwerbsbezogenen Normen der Mütter stark unterscheiden. So lehnen Mütter mit gutverdienenden Partnern eine gleiche Aufgabenteilung unter sonst gleichen Bedingungen besonders häufig ab und Mütter ohne berufsqualifizierenden Abschluss, zugewanderte Mütter und Mütter mit drei und mehr Kindern sehen sie besonders häufig im Hinblick auf das Wohlergehen kleinerer Kinder als kritisch an. Auch wenn die Lage dieser Mütter im öffentlichen Diskurs wenig präsent ist, muss die Familienpolitik auch hier unterstützende Maßnahmen anbieten. Wichtig ist zunächst, dass sie für die Risiken der von ihnen gewählten Erwerbsbiografien im Falle der Trennung und des Todes oder der unerwarteten Arbeitslosigkeit des Partners sensibilisiert werden. Zudem sollte die Familienpolitik bei der Gestaltung finanzieller Anreize für eine stärkere Erwerbsbeteiligung der Mütter die Vielfalt der Lebenswirklichkeiten der Familien im Blick behalten und diese nicht, wie beim Konzept der Familienarbeitszeit, nur auf sehr spezifische Erwerbskonstellationen ausrichten, sondern möglich breit anlegen. Dabei ist auch zu beachten, dass zunächst die bestehenden Hemmnisse abgebaut und insbesondere die Betreuungsangebote tatsächlich bedarfsgerecht ausgebaut werden müssen. Dies hilft den Müttern mit älteren und erwachsenen Kindern allerdings wenig, die meist ebenfalls nur in beschränktem Umfang einer Erwerbstätigkeit nachgehen wollen. Hier wären weitergehende wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen notwendig, um festzustellen, wie sich ihr mit Blick auf die Fachkräftesicherung bedeutendes Potenzial für den Arbeitsmarkt heben lässt. ; In the last 20 years, the role models of mothers in Germany have changed to a great degree, as an evaluation of the Socio-Economic Panel (SOEP) shows. In 1998, 26.3 percent of women between the ages of 25 and 54 with minor or adult children did not want to pursue gainful em-ployment; in 2018, this share was only 12.4 percent. In addition, a strong trend away from small part-time work of less than 20 hours a week and towards full-time or near-full-time part-time work can also be observed in the last decade. However, employment aspirations vary greatly with the socio-economic background. For example, 25.4 per cent of the mothers without a vocational qualification did not want to work in 2018, compared to 8.0 per cent of the mothers with a tertiary qualification. Such a traditional role model is also found particularly often among immigrant mothers and mothers with three or more children. Mothers with high-earning partners also want to work part-time more often and full-time less often, all other things being equal. Moreover, more than a quarter of a century after reunification, there is still such a strong East-West divide that the requirements for reconciling family and work must be classified as structurally different. Not only the employment aspirations but also the employment-related norms of the mothers differ. This becomes clear, if one looks at the mothers' assessments on whether men and women should be employed and take care of the household and family to the same extent and on whether children under the age of three and under the age of six suffer from mothers' employment, both is also surveyed in the SOEP. For example, mothers with high-income partners are particularly likely to reject an equal division of tasks under otherwise equal conditions, and mothers without a vocational qualification, immigrant mothers and mothers with three or more children are particularly likely to see it as critical for the welfare of young children. Even if the situation of these mothers is not very present in the public discourse, family policy must also offer supportive measures for them. Above all, it is important that they are made aware of the risks of their chosen employment biographies in case of separation and death or unexpected unemployment of their partner. In addition, when designing financial incentives for greater labour force participation, family policy should keep in mind the diversity of the realities of families' lives. Hence, they should not focus only on very specific employment constellations of parental couples - as in the case of the concept of family working time - but target broad groups. It should also be noted that existing obstacles must be dismantled. Above all, care services for children must be expanded to meet demand. However, this is of little help to mothers with older and adult children, who mostly also only want to work to a limited extent. Further scientific studies are necessary to determine how their significant potential of skilled labour can be raised for the labour market.
Abstract. The New Zealand economy is in a parlous state and not simply because of the economic fall-out associated with the pandemic. For decades now, New Zealand has been falling further and further behind its OECD partners, with institutional inefficiencies, poor policy making and the almost willful refusal of successive governments to admit to (let alone confront) mounting economic problems, all combining to place us on the edge of a deep, and lasting, economic downturn. Across a broad plethora of areas and key economic indicators, New Zealand lags behind almost every other advanced country against which it has traditionally measured itself. These areas include the three pillars of social wellbeing (education, health, and social welfare), housing, tax, productivity and debt. In every case, we are either falling behind outcomes achieved in other countries (education, health, productivity), entrenching inequality through our failure to cater for the needs of our most vulnerable (housing, health, education, social welfare, tax), or failing to prepare adequately for looming economic and social costs - including those incurred by a rapidly aging population. If ignored, these problems will precipitate a crisis that may make the burden of recovering from Covid-19 pale by comparison (superannuation, health, debt). In its much anticipated post-Covid budget, the Labour Government needs to not only provide a clear blueprint for helping those who have been adversely affected by the pandemic and New Zealand's subsequent lockdown, but also signal its intention to tackle the systemic weaknesses which have placed our economy at such risk, and which threaten to consign our future generations to unwelcome, and unnecessary, economic and social hardship.Keywords. Covid-19, New Zealand economy.JEL. I12, J13, Z12, D13.
Abstract. The Covid-19 outbreak has not only precipitated a health emergency, but also an economic crisis, unparalleled in modern history. For New Zealand to emerge from that crisis in a relatively healthy state, the Labour government will need to provide a clear framework for recovery, implementing policies which clearly prioritize those most affected by the societal and economic lockdown necessitated by the outbreak. To date, such prioritization has been lacking, with the Wage Subsidy Scheme unfairly advantaging big business and the professional elite, at the cost of money and resources which could have been better directed towards assisting the newly unemployed – namely workers, their families, and small business owners. Ultimately, poorly targeted support in the form of helicopter payments, wage subsidies, or broad-based tax cuts (such as a moratorium on GST) is wasteful, and will only serve to entrench inequalities that existed prior to the pandemic. Equally, the time and costs inherent in planning large-scale new infrastructure projects – and the fact that they offer little practical help to the majority of workers who require help now – means that they should not be regarded as a panacea, aiding economic recovery. Instead, clear, innovative policies, which not only prioritize those most in need, but which also lay the groundwork for further social and economic reform in the medium to long term, are required. For workers and their families, support can be offered via the mechanism of special risk accounts, tailored to meet their individual needs. For small business, help can be provided by facilitating conversations between businesses, landlords, and banks, as well as providing – upon the provision of an approved business plan – forgivable government loans. Finally, to help manage the recovery, and ensure our younger generations are not saddled with debt, the government must also identify, and eliminate, unnecessary spending, privilege, and waste. It can find an extra $15 billion per annum by doing so, contributing to the recovery in the short term, and – more generally – to implementing wider scale reform once the immediate crisis has been put behind it.Keywords. Covid-19, New Zealand economy.JEL. I12, J13, Z12, D13.
An investigation of household sustainability production makes possible the evaluation of the trade-offs inherent in these pro-environmental activities. The results suggest that policies promoting household-level sustainability efforts may be misguided. Without accompanying radical transformations in infrastructures and institutions—including the household—these efforts will always fall short of what is needed to promote human flourishing and protect the environment from harm.JEL Classification: B54, B51, D13, Q50
Public policy aimed at building capacity among the extremely poor (support for food and nutrition; health; education and, more recently, financial services), combined with a stable macroeconomic environment, has proved to be successful for poverty alleviation in Mexico. Even though overall poverty is still very pronounced, about four million people originally in extreme or intermediate poverty registered real income gains during 2000-02 and entered moderate poverty, concentrated mostly in urban areas, where it exceeds extreme and intermediate poverty. Thus, the emerging challenge consists of defining and coordinating specific policies for the moderately poor, whose social and demographic characteristics and economic needs differ from those at deeper levels of poverty. At present, income generation among the moderately poor depends on informal employment, because structural factors impede these workers from participating in the formal sector. To foster social and economic development of this group, employment policies in general and policies to facilitate formal activities in particular, stand out as the key elements. Promoting greater formality among the moderately poor requires updating laws and regulations, but equally important, education, training, financial services, technical and administrative assistance for entrepreneurs, etc., must be applied for a sustainable increase in income. The policies should increase formality, which is important for improving income and social protection for the moderately poor; for integrating activities that can benefit from trading with each other, for increasing the competitiveness of the Mexican economy as a whole; for improving political governance and consolidating the rule of law. An integral support programme to raise productivity and income of the moderately poor and to promote their participation in the formal sector activities is outlined in this study. – inequality ; poverty ; income ; education ; gender ; employment
Integrating insights from strategic bargaining analysis with the cooperative conflicts approach, this paper explores the implications of conjugal violence against women and women's resistance to violence for bargaining processes and outcomes. It is argued that analyses of conjugal violence must situate strategic behavior in social context, thus problematizing theoretical and empirical analyses that point to a direct negative correlation between women's economic resources and violence. The paper concludes with a brief discussion of policy implications. JEL classifications: D13, D19
Despite widespread interest among policy researchers in the effect of job displacement on insurance loss, there is little focus in the literature on the insurance implications of a married person losing his or her spouse. Using a large household survey, this article finds that despite legislation aimed at protecting separating spouses, individuals remain at risk of losing health insurance in the event of marital disruption. This is especially true for wives who are enrolled in their husbands' plans prior to marital termination. (JEL D13, I18)
Using household travel diary data collected in Germany between 1997 and 2012, we employ an instrumental variable (IV) approach to estimate fuel price and efficiency elasticities. The aim is to gauge the relative impacts of fuel economy standards and fuel taxes on distance traveled. We fi nd that the magnitudes of the elasticity estimates are statistically indistinguishable: higher fuel prices reduce driving by the same degree as higher fuel efficiency increases driving. This finding indicates an off setting effect of fuel efficiency standards on the effectiveness of fuel taxation, calling into question the efficacy of the European Commission's current efforts to legislate CO2 emissions limits for new cars given prevailing high fuel taxes. ; Auf Basis von Mobilitätsdaten für deutsche Haushalte (1997-2012) und einem Instrumentvariablen-Ansatz schätzen wir Kraftstoffpreis- und Energieeffizienzelastizitäten, um die relativen Effekte von Effizienzstandards und Benzinsteuern auf die Fahrleistung zu erforschen. Es zeigt sich, dass die Größe der beiden Elastizitäten statistisch ununterscheidbar ist: Eine Erhöhung von Benzinsteuern reduziert die Fahrleistung im selben Maße wie eine prozentual gleich starke Effizienzverbesserung diese erhöht. Dieses Ergebnis deutet darauf hin, dass Effizienzstandards die Effektivität von Benzinsteuern mindern, und stellt so die Wirksamkeit der CO2-Emissionslimits für Neuwagen in Frage. Vor diesem Hintergrund sollte die Europäischen Kommission die vorgesehene erhebliche Verschärfung der Emissionsgrenzwerte für Neuwagen bis zum Jahr 2020 noch einmal hinterfragen.
Unions foster group solidarity, training individuals to think and act for the collective rather than for purely individual gain. In this article, I study the extent to which union membership is associated with men's participation in unpaid social reproduction. Descriptive models using American Time Use Surveys indicate that, on average, men with union coverage dedicate more time to unpaid care of household members compared to men without. I offer theoretical explanations for this relationship and explore how union membership has shaped men's participation in unpaid social reproduction through the lens of community solidarity. JEL Classification: B54, J51, D13