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The author explores the history of the Danish People's Party and its effect on Danish immigration policy. The DPP was founded in 1995. It successfully continued the anti-immigration course of the Danish Progress Party fallen into disrepair. The Danish People's Party represented a synthesis of several political currents: the Lutheran movement Tidehverv and its journal, intellectual nationalists from the Danish Association, and conservative populists from the Progress Party. The DPP seeks to drastically reduce non-Western immigration, opposes Islamization and favors cultural assimilation of immigrants. For 25 years, the Danish People's Party has managed to maneuver between establishment parties and their small partners in the complicated multi-party political system of Denmark. Dissociated from radical elements, the DPP has occupied a stable position on the right of the traditional bourgeois parties. It has broken the long-term influence of centrist parties, and especially radical left-wing parties, on Danish policy. Collaboration with liberal-conservative forces from 2001 to 2011 and from 2015 to 2019 was the most productive for the Party. The DPP played a key role in writing the rules and conditions for immigration in the immigration law that was established by the government in May 2002. Most importantly, the document provided for strong restrictions in immigration policies, which resulted in what is often described as Europe's strictest immigration laws. The 24-year rule has drawn a lot of attention. Thanks to European migrant crisis, the 2015 general election was historic for the Danish People's Party. It got unprecedented electoral support and became Denmark's second largest political party. However, the Party suffered a major defeat in the 2019 general election, recording its worst result since the establishment by wining 8.7% of votes – down from 21% in 2015, for the following reasons: depletion of anti-immigrant rhetoric and seizing the traditional DPP initiative by the establishment, increased political competition and party's collaboration with the Social Democrats, unexpected for the DPP voters.

Abstract
For decades, little research on Danish Cold War history was conducted either inside or outside Denmark. The relevant archives were closed, and generations of Danish contemporary historians were primarily interested in what happened during World War II. This is no longer the situation. Over the past 35 years, especially since the end of the Cold War, researchers have scrutinized Danish Cold War history in great depth. By now, scholarly research in Denmark on the Cold War, especially in the area of Danish national security affairs and foreign policy, has reached a level that merits international attention, and this survey article provides an overview. The article encourages Danish Cold War scholars to promote comparative research that incorporates Danish Cold War history into the wider international Cold War scholarship, to the benefit of both Danish and international research.

Denmark is a small and extremely vulnerable state. It is situated at the intersection of the bipolar global system and the multipolar West European subsystem. Danish security policy has been formulated along the following three principal lines: (1) Cooperation, i.e. practical cooperative relations between states (furthering mutual understanding, confidence, and peace); (2) detente and negotiation; and (3) defense, i.e. the cooperation between the national Danish defense and the Western defense. This article discusses the effects on Denmark of general international trends in the 1970s and 1980s. Three forms of security policy are dealt with: (1) the official declaratory policy; (2) the military policy and the military apparatus; and (3) planning and analyzing activities. Although Danish security policy is characterized by continuity, certain recent changes are identified. Another basic feature of Danish security policy is the remarkably stable political consensus ever since the approval of the Atlantic Treaty in 1949. Recent years, however, have witnessed increased politicization of security matters.

Denmark is a small and extremely vulnerable state. It is situated at the intersection of the bipolar global system and the multipolar West European subsystem. Danish security policy has been formulated along the following three principal lines: (1) Cooperation, i.e. practical cooperative relations between states (furthering mutual understanding, confidence, and peace); (2) detente and negotiation; and (3) defense, i.e. the cooperation between the national Danish defense and the Western defense. This article discusses the effects on Denmark of general international trends in the 1970s and 1980s. Three forms of security policy are dealt with: (1) the official declaratory policy; (2) the military policy and the military apparatus; and (3) planning and analyzing activities. Although Danish security policy is characterized by continuity, certain recent changes are identified. Another basic feature of Danish security policy is the remarkably stable political consensus ever since the approval of the Atlantic Treaty in 1949. Recent years, however, have witnessed increased politicization of security matters.

Using quantitative methods Danish cannabis debate in national newspapers is investigated. The investigation shows that the most prevalent topics relate to law enforcement. Legalization has become an increasingly important topic in the Danish cannabis debate and the investigation shows a reframing of this debate to become increasingly related to concerns about organized crime. In this way the Danish cannabis legalization debate show the same development as the debates that have led to legalization certain states in the United States of America.

This article concerns the dating and distribution of Danish runestones from the eighth to the eleventh centuries. On the basis of both old and more recent investigations, the runestones are divided into five chronological periods each with their own characteristics and according to typological features regarding runes, language, style, and ornament. The majority of Danish runestones were erected within two generations after the conversion around AD 970–1020/25 and probably as a result of the stress and societal changes in connection with the advent of Christianity. The geographical distribution changed dramatically during the 400 year long runestone period and was probably due to the changing political situation. In the eighth and ninth centuries, runestones were mainly erected on Fyn, Sjælland, and Skåne. Runestones were almost exclusively erected in Jutland in the tenth century before the conversion and in the decades around the year 1000, runestones were erected in the north-eastern parts of Jutland and along the coast in Skåne. The runestone fashion died out in most parts of Denmark during the eleventh century, although on Bornholm the tradition began in the early eleventh century and came to an end within afew generations in the late eleventh century or around AD 1100.

On every conceivable count, Denmark's Ombudsman institution has proved itself to be an unqualified success. In large measure, this has been due to the superb and sagacious performance of the first Ombudsman, who is still the incumbent of the office, and who has succeeded in establishing a thoroughly wholesome and sympathetic climate for both the office and the institution. He has charted a conservative course that has made the Ombudsman entirely palatable to all official and lay segments of Denmark's homogeneous community, including its perceptive and influential press. The Danish Ombudsman's authority extends to every facet of public life except the judiciary (and certain aspects of municipal government). To date, every complaint lodged with the Ombudsman not only has been adjudicated, but has been adjudicated promptly, courteously, and efficaciously. Approximately 90 per cent of all cases are dismissed after due consideration, with the remaining 10 per cent treated on their merits. The specific recommendations of the Ombudsman have been accepted in each case to date—a tribute to Professor Stephan Hurwitz and his small, dedicated staff. The Danish institution of the Ombudsman has thus, deservedly, become a model for a host of related schemes throughout the free world.