Suchergebnisse

Aus dem Inhalt: Einleitung | Zielsetzung – theoretischer und methodologischer Hintergrund | Methodologische Triangulation und methodisches Verfahren | Korpus der Studie | Lexikografische Daten im Deutschen | Lexikografische Daten im Polnischen | Textdaten – Distribution des Lexems Patriotismus im Deutschen und Polnischen | Korpusgesteuerte Analyse des Frames von Patriotismus im Deutschen | Korpusgesteuerte Analyse des Frames von Patriotismus im Polnischen | Vergleich des Frames von Patriotismus im Deutschen und Polnischen | Zusammenfassung und Ausblick

Instruments for contracting territorial development have been employed in Poland for over two decades. The first Polish experience in this area dates back to 1995, when, as a pilot project, the Regional Contract for Katowickie Voivodeship was concluded. Contracts concluded in subsequent years were addressed to all 16 Polish regions. However, the Polish experience related to contracting development to date allows us to conclude that the implementation of this approach was moderately successful. Responsible for this state of affairs are errors and inconsistencies committed both at the programming stage and at the implementation stage of subsequent versions of a contract. It should be emphasized, however, that these failures and the reasons behind them did not escape the notice of the institutions responsible for regional policy in Poland, therefore the conclusions drawn from them were used to improve subsequent versions of the contract. The last attempt took place in 2020. Thus, the purpose of this article is to present new development contracting instruments described in revised in 2020 the Act of 6 December 2006 on the principles of development policy, namely: programme contract, sectoral contract and territorial agreement. Their introduction is another step leading to the strengthening of the territorial dimension of Polish regional policy. Analysis of the three new instruments was preceded by the presentation of Poland's experience to date in contracting development. Thanks to this, it was possible to illustrate how Polish regional policy improved its approach in this respect, trying to eliminate the weaknesses identified during the implementation of their previous versions in subsequent editions of contracts. ; Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie nowych instrumentów kontraktowania rozwoju opisanych w ustawie z dnia 6 grudnia 2006 r. o zasadach prowadzenia polityki rozwoju mianowicie: kontraktu programowego, kontraktu sektorowego oraz porozumienia terytorialnego. Ich wprowadzenie w 2020 r. do ...

The aim of the article was to analyze the ideology of the People's Party–Our Slovakia (Ľudová strana naše Slovensko, ĽSNS), established in 2009. The first part of the text discusses the definitions of political extremism and then presents this phenomenon in Slovakia in a historical perspective. The most important categories of topics discussed by ĽSNS in election programs and party rhetoric, as well as party activity to date were analyzed in detail: the nation, anti-Roma and anti-immigration attitudes, and distance towards the West.

The main aim of this paper was the analysis of the impact of the "Family 500+" social programme in three areas: fertility, poverty in families with children, and the labour market participation of parents (mainly mothers) with young children. Statistical data available to date has been used by the author. The results show that the new benefit decreased the risk of poverty in families with children, had an impact on the higher number of births - which could be a temporary effect or a result of other family policy reforms implemented in 2013-2016 - and it decreased female labour market activity.

Artykuł omawia dyskusję dotyczącą dwóch wątków związanych z końcem systemu komunistycznego w Polsce: symbolicznego – toczonego wokół daty, którą należy uznać za koniec PRL oraz związanego z mechanizmem zmiany i intencją obozu władzy. Celem tekstu jest usystematyzowanie dyskusji o końcu "ludowej" Polski przez wskazanie zarówno uzasadnionej merytorycznie daty mogącej symbolizować początek rozpadu systemu, jak i poprzez zrekonstruowanie rzeczywistych intencji ekipy Wojciecha Jaruzelskiego oraz rozpatrywanych przez nią wariantów rozwoju sytuacji. Porozumienia Okrągłego Stołu, nie miały bowiem prowadzić do demokratyzacji i osłabienia systemu, ale do jego wzmocnienia, jednak koncepcję tę przekreśliły wyniki kontraktowych wyborów z czerwca 1989 r.The article presents the two discussion threads that are related to the end of the communist system in Poland – the symbolic one, referring to the date that should be recognized as the end of the communist Poland and the one that concerns the transformation mechanism and the intentions of the ruling camp. The aim of the article is to systematize the discussion about the end of the "people's" Poland by recognizing the date that could be the symbol of the beginning of the end of the system as well as by reconstructing the real intentions of Wojciech Jaruzelski's group and the options of possible developments that it was taking into consideration as the Round Table Agreement was not supposed to introduce democracy and weaken the system but to strengthen it. However, that idea was thwarted by the results of the contract election of June 1989.

E. Goffman character analyzes into mutual conditionality of concept of physical and social borders abilities of persons for acquisition, disclosure and concealment of information scare. Analysis of strategic interaction relies in Goffman's book on explication capability expedient utilization or duping of partner. Strategic captivation of interaction is game about zero amount, where increment is loss second actor. Our safety is not natural something in structure of social world, but it dates from socially array rule behavior We lived as spies in our daily life if, social world would seem as enclosing scare, where in each moment and it is possible to meet potential cause for fear place.

Industry specialized journalism is essential for the creation and use of computer (video) games. They are representing one of industries from creative economy which is emerging on early XXI century. Media representatives inform about the progress in development of new titles, test them before their release date, show developers the advantages and disadvantages of their productions, impact on user feedback and describe events and trends related to the communities directly involved in the games, as well as with their surroundings. The article aims to present a case study of human resources management model in the Internet editorial absorbed in topics connected to computer games which is a part of big media company.

Constitutional review of legislation is the power to examine statutes for their conformity with the constitution. This competence is performed by the judiciary. The origins of this institution date back to XIX century and since that time constitutional review of legislation has became an important institution in most democratic states. In the paper, the author answers the most important charge raised against constitutional review – that it lacks democratic legitimacy. According to Jeremy Waldron, there is always a loss to democracy when a majoritian decision is overruled by a politically unaccountable court. As an answer to Waldron's objection, the author introduces three arguments for the democratic status of constitutional review. These arguments point to three different sources of legitimacy for constitutional review: democratic will of the people, the principle of respect for the democratic reason, and substantial democratic values. ; Constitutional review of legislation is the power to examine statutes for their conformity with the constitution. This competence is performed by the judiciary. The origins of this institution date back to XIX century and since that time constitutional review of legislation has became an important institution in most democratic states. In the paper, the author answers the most important charge raised against constitutional review – that it lacks democratic legitimacy. According to Jeremy Waldron, there is always a loss to democracy when a majoritian decision is overruled by a politically unaccountable court. As an answer to Waldron's objection, the author introduces three arguments for the democratic status of constitutional review. These arguments point to three different sources of legitimacy for constitutional review: democratic will of the people, the principle of respect for the democratic reason, and substantial democratic values.

The purpose of this paper is to provide a political and legal analysis of the choice options, decisionmaking processes and negotiation strategies of political actors in dispute over the date of the presidential elections in Poland the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. Possible decisions are outlined in the form of a modified decision tree known from the decision theory, taking into account not only the options falling within the scope of individual actors' performance, but also scenarios triggered by specific choices and interdependent on the behavior of other actors (their cooperation or lack of cooperation). The descriptive-explanatory and predictive analysis is based on the assumptions of the public choice theory. The article also explains the legal determinants and boundaries of actions available to political actors ; Teisės fakultetas ; Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas

The idea of constitutional accountability of public government officials dates back to the Constitution of May 3, 1791, even though it was only rather briefly adhered to in the political practice in the Duchy of Warsaw, and later in the times of the Second Polish Republic and the Third Polish Republic. On the one hand, the analysis of legislative acts concerning the notion of constitutional accountability in the abovementioned periods of Polish history reveals its constant development with regard to the terms of reference of the positions subject to constitutional accountability and the authorities involved in the process, but, on the other hand, the study also points to the relative lack of efficacy connected with the politicisation of the Parliament, which makes the notion of constitutional accountability a spectacular form of implementation of the principle of political accountability.

Contacts between academic societies in the lands of partitioned Poland – status of and need for research (Summary)The article describes contacts between academic societies operating in the lands of partitioned Poland. Its purpose is to present the current status of research on this very wide topic and to indicate the need for research that arises in this respect. A comprehensive view of these contacts shows that the topic has not been acknowledged to-date. Therefore, it has not been properly reflected in the professional literature. Where the topic has been recognized by authors, it has often not been properly interpreted. The most frequent mistake that has been made by researchers is perceiving the issue from an exclusively ethnic angle, which – particularly in respect of the lands of partitioned Poland – is related to the conflicts arising in such conditions. Seen against the background of the contacts between the various academic institutions operating in the three partitions, it is clearly visible how complicated the matter was and how different factors played a role in forming and discontinuing relationships. ; Contacts between academic societies in the lands of partitioned Poland – status of and need for research (Summary)The article describes contacts between academic societies operating in the lands of partitioned Poland. Its purpose is to present the current status of research on this very wide topic and to indicate the need for research that arises in this respect. A comprehensive view of these contacts shows that the topic has not been acknowledged to-date. Therefore, it has not been properly reflected in the professional literature. Where the topic has been recognized by authors, it has often not been properly interpreted. The most frequent mistake that has been made by researchers is perceiving the issue from an exclusively ethnic angle, which – particularly in respect of the lands of partitioned Poland – is related to the conflicts arising in such conditions. Seen against the background of the contacts between the various academic institutions operating in the three partitions, it is clearly visible how complicated the matter was and how different factors played a role in forming and discontinuing relationships.

Contacts between academic societies in the lands of partitioned Poland – status of and need for research (Summary)The article describes contacts between academic societies operating in the lands of partitioned Poland. Its purpose is to present the current status of research on this very wide topic and to indicate the need for research that arises in this respect. A comprehensive view of these contacts shows that the topic has not been acknowledged to-date. Therefore, it has not been properly reflected in the professional literature. Where the topic has been recognized by authors, it has often not been properly interpreted. The most frequent mistake that has been made by researchers is perceiving the issue from an exclusively ethnic angle, which – particularly in respect of the lands of partitioned Poland – is related to the conflicts arising in such conditions. Seen against the background of the contacts between the various academic institutions operating in the three partitions, it is clearly visible how complicated the matter was and how different factors played a role in forming and discontinuing relationships. ; Contacts between academic societies in the lands of partitioned Poland – status of and need for research (Summary)The article describes contacts between academic societies operating in the lands of partitioned Poland. Its purpose is to present the current status of research on this very wide topic and to indicate the need for research that arises in this respect. A comprehensive view of these contacts shows that the topic has not been acknowledged to-date. Therefore, it has not been properly reflected in the professional literature. Where the topic has been recognized by authors, it has often not been properly interpreted. The most frequent mistake that has been made by researchers is perceiving the issue from an exclusively ethnic angle, which – particularly in respect of the lands of partitioned Poland – is related to the conflicts arising in such conditions. Seen against the background of the contacts between the various academic institutions operating in the three partitions, it is clearly visible how complicated the matter was and how different factors played a role in forming and discontinuing relationships.

Constitutional review of legislation is the power to examine statutes for their conformity with the constitution. This competence is performed by the judiciary. The origins of this institution date back to XIX century and since that time constitutional review of legislation has became an important institution in most democratic states. In the paper, the author answers the most important charge raised against constitutional review – that it lacks democratic legitimacy. According to Jeremy Waldron, there is always a loss to democracy when a majoritian decision is overruled by a politically unaccountable court. As an answer to Waldron's objection, the author introduces three arguments for the democratic status of constitutional review. These arguments point to three different sources of legitimacy for constitutional review: democratic will of the people, the principle of respect for the democratic reason, and substantial democratic values. ; 5 ; 1 ; 170 ; 186 ; 9 ; Filozofia Publiczna i Edukacja Demokratyczna

Germany is home to approximately one hundred Polish organizations. Although the history of the Polish movement in Germany dates back to the mid-19th century, the available knowledge on the movement is relatively sketchy and either limited to historical facts or, with respect to the present standing and activities, only cursory. This is evidenced by the fact that the public discourse frequently labels given organizations as weak due judging them mainly on inner rifts and arguments. Is this popular belief true? Have organizations indeed succumbbed to a permanent crisis? If so, what are the true causes of their quandaries? I attempt to address these questions on the basis of the research I have conducted at the Institute for Western Affairs since 2008. I have embarked on defining the most prominent features of Polish organizations in Germany and identifying the factors that have contributed to their present condition.