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ParlaMint is a multilingual set of comparable corpora containing parliamentary debates mostly starting in 2015 and extending to mid-2020, with each corpus being about 20 million words in size. The sessions in the corpora are marked as belonging to the COVID-19 period (after October 2019), or being "reference" (before that date). The corpora have extensive metadata, including aspects of the parliament; the speakers (name, gender, MP status, party affiliation, party coalition/opposition); are structured into time-stamped terms, sessions and meetings; with speeches being marked by the speaker and their role (e.g. chair, regular speaker). The speeches also contain marked-up transcriber comments, such as gaps in the transcription, interruptions, applause, etc. Note that some corpora have further information, e.g. the year of birth of the speakers, links to their Wikipedia articles, their membership in various committees, etc. The corpora are encoded according to the Parla-CLARIN TEI recommendation (https://clarin-eric.github.io/parla-clarin/), but have been validated against the compatible, but much stricter ParlaMint schemas. This entry contains the ParlaMint TEI-encoded corpora with the derived plain text version of the corpus along with TSV metadata on the speeches. Also included is the 2.0 release of the data and scripts available at the GitHub repository of the ParlaMint project. Note that there also exists the linguistically marked-up version of the corpus, which is available at http://hdl.handle.net/11356/1405.

ParlaMint 2.1 is a multilingual set of 17 comparable corpora containing parliamentary debates mostly starting in 2015 and extending to mid-2020, with each corpus being about 20 million words in size. The sessions in the corpora are marked as belonging to the COVID-19 period (after November 1st 2019), or being "reference" (before that date). The corpora have extensive metadata, including aspects of the parliament; the speakers (name, gender, MP status, party affiliation, party coalition/opposition); are structured into time-stamped terms, sessions and meetings; with speeches being marked by the speaker and their role (e.g. chair, regular speaker). The speeches also contain marked-up transcriber comments, such as gaps in the transcription, interruptions, applause, etc. Note that some corpora have further information, e.g. the year of birth of the speakers, links to their Wikipedia articles, their membership in various committees, etc. The corpora are encoded according to the Parla-CLARIN TEI recommendation (https://clarin-eric.github.io/parla-clarin/), but have been validated against the compatible, but much stricter ParlaMint schemas. This entry contains the ParlaMint TEI-encoded corpora with the derived plain text version of the corpus along with TSV metadata on the speeches. Also included is the 2.0 release of the data and scripts available at the GitHub repository of the ParlaMint project. Note that there also exists the linguistically marked-up version of the corpus, which is available at http://hdl.handle.net/11356/1431.

ParlaMint is a multilingual set of comparable corpora containing parliamentary debates mostly starting in 2015 and extending to mid-2020, with each corpus being about 20 million words in size. The sessions in the corpora are marked as belonging to the COVID-19 period (after October 2019), or being "reference" (before that date). The corpora have extensive metadata, including aspects of the parliament; the speakers (name, gender, MP status, party affiliation, party coalition/opposition); are structured into time-stamped terms, sessions and meetings; with speeches being marked by the speaker and their role (e.g. chair, regular speaker). The speeches also contain marked-up transcriber comments, such as gaps in the transcription, interruptions, applause, etc. Note that some corpora have further information, e.g. the year of birth of the speakers, links to their Wikipedia articles, their membership in various committees, etc. The corpora are encoded according to the Parla-CLARIN TEI recommendation (https://clarin-eric.github.io/parla-clarin/), but have been validated against the compatible, but much stricter ParlaMint schemas. This entry contains the linguistically marked-up version of the corpus, while the text version is available at http://hdl.handle.net/11356/1388. The ParlaMint.ana linguistic annotation includes tokenization, sentence segmentation, lemmatisation, Universal Dependencies part-of-speech, morphological features, and syntactic dependencies, and the 4-class CoNLL-2003 named entities. Some corpora also have further linguistic annotations, such as PoS tagging or named entities according to language-specific schemes, with their corpus TEI headers giving further details on the annotation vocabularies and tools. The compressed files include the ParlaMint.ana XML TEI-encoded linguistically annotated corpus; the derived corpus in CoNLL-U with TSV speech metadata; and the vertical files (with registry file), suitable for use with CQP-based concordancers, such as CWB, noSketch Engine or KonText. Also included is the 2.0 release of the data and scripts available at the GitHub repository of the ParlaMint project.

ParlaMint 2.1 is a multilingual set of 17 comparable corpora containing parliamentary debates mostly starting in 2015 and extending to mid-2020, with each corpus being about 20 million words in size. The sessions in the corpora are marked as belonging to the COVID-19 period (from November 1st 2019), or being "reference" (before that date). The corpora have extensive metadata, including aspects of the parliament; the speakers (name, gender, MP status, party affiliation, party coalition/opposition); are structured into time-stamped terms, sessions and meetings; with speeches being marked by the speaker and their role (e.g. chair, regular speaker). The speeches also contain marked-up transcriber comments, such as gaps in the transcription, interruptions, applause, etc. Note that some corpora have further information, e.g. the year of birth of the speakers, links to their Wikipedia articles, their membership in various committees, etc. The corpora are encoded according to the Parla-CLARIN TEI recommendation (https://clarin-eric.github.io/parla-clarin/), but have been validated against the compatible, but much stricter ParlaMint schemas. This entry contains the linguistically marked-up version of the corpus, while the text version is available at http://hdl.handle.net/11356/1432. The ParlaMint.ana linguistic annotation includes tokenization, sentence segmentation, lemmatisation, Universal Dependencies part-of-speech, morphological features, and syntactic dependencies, and the 4-class CoNLL-2003 named entities. Some corpora also have further linguistic annotations, such as PoS tagging or named entities according to language-specific schemes, with their corpus TEI headers giving further details on the annotation vocabularies and tools. The compressed files include the ParlaMint.ana XML TEI-encoded linguistically annotated corpus; the derived corpus in CoNLL-U with TSV speech metadata; and the vertical files (with registry file), suitable for use with CQP-based concordancers, such as CWB, noSketch Engine or KonText. Also included is the 2.1 release of the data and scripts available at the GitHub repository of the ParlaMint project. As opposed to the previous version 2.0, this version corrects some errors in various corpora and adds the information on upper / lower house for bicameral parliaments. The vertical files have also been changed to make them easier to use in the concordancers.

In this essay I attempt to defend Badiou's conception of inaesthetics, drawn from the Handbook of Inaesthetics, from the pertinent criticisms of Rancière. In doing so, it is possible to delimit the intra-philosophical effects (truth effects) of artistic events (this combination being the domain of inaesthetics). Badiou can be defended from all of Rancière's objections, save the objection that inaesthetics asserts a 'propriety of art.' However, in granting this objection, it is possible to open a different question regarding Badiou's work: what is the status of Badiou's comments on art outside of the Handbook of Inaesthetics? Through a reading of Le siècle, I show that, for Badiou, the importance of art extends beyond inaesthetics to other domains of thought. Yet Badiou has yet to answer the question of how art and truth relate outside of the domain of inaesthetics. ; Peer reviewed ; Final article published

Spoštljivost v komuniciranju je eden izmed ključnih elementov deliberativnosti in predpogoj za razvoj kakovostne razprave. Še posebej zanimivo je raziskovanje le-te v interaktivnih komunikacijskih prostorih na internetu, kot so spletni forumi. Pripisuje se jim namreč velik potencial za razvoj kritičnih, racionalnih in argumentativnih razprav. Vendar pa je v raziskovanju pojma spoštljivosti prisotne veliko konceptualne in empirične nejasnosti, neskladnosti in problematičnosti. Analize pogovorov v spletnih forumih med drugim kažejo, da udeležencem ne uspe zagotoviti medsebojne spoštljivosti. Osrednji namen magistrskega dela je proučiti komunikacijski vidik spoštljivosti v razpravah, s poudarkom na pogovorih v spletnih forumih. Glavna predpostavka je, da je kljub potencialom spletnih forumov za razvoj deliberativnih razprav in posledično medsebojne spoštljivosti v teh prostorih stopnja spoštljivosti (še vedno) nizka. To tezo preverjam skozi teoretske razprave in v metodološkem delu s kvalitativno vsebinsko analizo debate v spletnem forumu Pred domačim pragom (ki spada pod forume RTV Slovenija), kjer uporabniki foruma razpravljajo o političnih strankah Republike Slovenije, ki bodo sodelovale v parlamentarnih volitvah junija 2018. Analiza kaže nizko stopnjo spoštljivosti in visoko stopnjo uporabe nespoštljivih izjav v razpravi, kar potrjuje mojo predpostavko in med drugim odpira različne predloge za nadaljnje raziskovanje. ; Respect in communication is one of the key elements of good deliberation and a prerequisite for developing a quality debate. It is particularly interesting to explore this phenomenon in interactive communication spaces on the Internet, such as online forums, to which great potential for the development of critical, rational and argumentative debate has been ascribed. However, there are many conceptual and empirical ambiguities, inconsistencies and problems in researching the notion of respect. Analyses of conversations in online forums show, among other things, that participants fail to achieve mutual respect. The main purpose of master's thesis is to study the communication aspect of respect in discussions, with emphasis on conversations in online forums. The main premise is that despite the potential of online forums to develop deliberative discussions and, consequently, mutual respect, the degree of respect is (still) low. I am ewxamining this assumption through theoretical discussions and, in methodological work, through a qualitative content analysis of the debate in one of the online forums of RTV Slovenia, where the users of the forum discuss the political parties of the Republic of Slovenia, that will take part in the June parliamentary elections. The analysis shows a low degree of respect and a high degree of use of disrespectful statements in the debate, which confirms my assumption and, among other things, opens up various ideas for further research.

The current debate on the crisis of democracy needs firm epistemological premises for the interpretation of election results and the manifestation of power as consent. In the article, a biopsychosocial model of hegemony is presented as a tool for the manifestation of power in the human mind. Hegemony as conceptualised by Gramsci is developed with the concept of power as both repression or spontaneous generation, as proposed by Foucault. The concept is developed with the paradigm of the embodied mind and insights from psychology and neuroscience about memory formation and meaning creation, stressing the role played by emotions in the process. Keywords: hegemony, morality, emotions, elections, biopsychosocial model, mental representations, embodied mind

Magistrsko delo proučuje diskurzivni vidik varnosti izražen skozi parlamentarni diskurz poslancev, ki so delovali v slovenskem parlamentu v obdobju t. i. begunske krize, od septembra 2015 do marca 2016. Skozi mikrodiskurzivno in jezikovnostilno analizo poskuša prikazati, ali so poslanci begunce obravnavali skozi prizmo varnosti, torej vprašanje beguncev sekuritizirali. Z analizo parlamentarnih sej je prikazan proces sekuritizacije kopenhagenske šole, ki sekuritizacijo opisuje kot govorno dejanje, ki referenčnemu objektu predstavi vprašanje kot eksistenčno grožnjo in s tem zahteva izredne ukrepe, ki odstopajo od 'običajne' politike. Če občinstvo to sprejme je sekuritizacija uspešna. V parlamentarnem diskurzu so analizirana jezikovna sredstva, kot so vršilci dejanj, metafore in druge stilno zaznamovane besede, pomembna pa je tudi ustrezna raba terminov beguncev in migrant. V ozadju je predstavljena t. i. begunska kriza na ravni EU, zahodnobalkanski poti in v Sloveniji. Opisan je tudi slovenski parlament ter politični oziroma parlamentarni diskurz, ključne pa so varnostne študije, znotraj katerih je kopenhagenska šola predstavila teorijo sekuritizacije, ki jo proučuje magistrsko delo ; The master's thesis examines the discursive aspect of security, expressed through the parliamentary debates, which took place in the Slovenian parliament during the 'refugee crisis' in Slovenia, September 2015 – March 2016. Through micro-discursive and linguistic analysis, this work seeks to show whether refugees were securitized, treated by the members of Parliament as a security issue. The analysis of parliamentary debates tries to show the process of securitization initially outlined by the Copenhagen School, which focuses on the speech act, that presents an issue to the referent object as an existential threat and demands extraordinary measures outside of normal politics. If the audience accepts this, securitization is successful. The use of linguistic means is analysed in the parliamentary discourse, such as agents, metaphors and other expressive words, and the correct usage of terms refugee or migrant. The master's thesis background is presented by the 'refugee crisis' in the European Union, on the Western Balkan Route and in Slovenia. The emphasis is also on the Slovenian parliament and parliamentary discourse, but the most important are security studies, within which the securitization theory is presented by the Copenhagen School, which is analysed in the master's thesis.

Platform work is often characterised by economic insecurity, dehumanising control procedures, isolation, deepening racial, economic and gender inequalities, and other socio-economic problems. There are lively debates underway concerned with how to regulate or limit the negative effects of platform capitalism. This article reviews two of the most common calls for action – regulation and platform co-operatives. We argue that there is also an unexplored, complementary option, which uses the network effects of platforms to provide greater benefits for platform workers. To understand this alternative, we introduce the American Employee Stock Ownership Plan (ESOP) mechanism for employee buyouts, redefine the model according to the main cooperative values, and apply it to the platform economy. We conclude that there is a third option is available to governments and municipalities, namely to require an Employee Stock Ownership Plan (ESOP) in the local subsidiary of the platform company. Keywords: Platform economy, platform co-operativism, employee buyouts, platform ESOP

Vse od snovanja Ustanovne listine Organizacije združenih narodov (OZN) je bilo sodelovanje med OZN in regionalnimi organizacijami predmet različnih razprav. Razprava med univerzalizmom in regionalizmom je bila, vsaj za nekaj časa, rešena v obliki VII. in VIII. poglavja Ustanovne listine OZN. Rezultat tega je bila primarna vloga Varnostnega sveta pri odzivih na vprašanja mednarodnega miru in varnosti. A razvoj dogodkov na tem področju zahteva vedno večjo vključenost regionalnih organizacij. Magistrsko delo je bilo osredotočeno na potencial, ki ga ima mehanizem hibridnih mirovnih misij na nadaljnje sodelovanje med OZN in regionalnimi organizacijami. Glavni prispevek magistrskega dela leži v analizi razmerja med OZN in Afriško unijo (AU) pri hibridni misiji Organizacije združenih narodov in Afriške unije v Darfurju (United Nations - African Union Hybrid Operation in Darfur – UNAMID), ki predstavlja prvo hibridno misijo v zgodovini. V več kot desetih letih svojega delovanja je imela mnogo težav, ki sta jih organizaciji večinoma premagali. Tako lahko skozi analizo uspeha misije sklepamo o potencialu tega tipa misije za nadaljnje sodelovanje med OZN in regionalnimi organizacijami. Zaradi togosti mehanizmov OZN hibridne misije predstavljajo najboljšo možnost sodelovanja – vse dokler OZN ne ustvari mehanizmov, ki bi predstavljali večjo komplementarnost sodelovanja med OZN in regionalnimi organizacijami. ; Since the drafting of the United Nations (UN) Charter, co-operation between the UN and regional organizations in the field of international peace and security has been subject to intense debates. The debate between universalism and regionalism was, for the time being, resolved in the form of Chapters VII. and VIII. of the UN Charter. This compromise resulted in the Security Council being at the forefront of responses in matters of international peace in security for some five decades. But recent developments in the field of international peace and security have exposed the need for greater involvement of regional organizations. This master thesis is focused on the potential of a hybrid type of peace operations for future co-operation between the UN and regional organizations. The value of the research lies in its analysis of the relationship between the African Union and the UN in the United Nations - African Union Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID), the first-ever hybrid peace operation. In more than ten years of its deployment, UNAMID has been plagued by problems that both organizations have had to overcome. In that regard, through the analysis of the success of UNAMID, we can draw conclusions regarding the potential that this type of peace operation has on the future co-operation between the UN and regional organizations. Until the UN develops better complementarity mechanisms for co-operation with regional organizations, hybrid missions represent the best way of co-operation.

The article contributes to the theoretical debate on the current state of the global economic system and the implications it holds for the (re)distribution of social and economic power. The theoretical framework of the discussion builds upon critical accounts of the rise of platform capitalism – an economic and social system founded on digitalised work. The imagining of futures is based on the mapping of possible actors and paths of the continuation or disruption of ongoing trends. Although digitalisation in principle holds the potential to foster economic growth and reduce inequalities, the accelerated development of the digital economy in the last few decades has been accompanied by unequally distributed positive and negative economic outcomes. Overcoming the precariousness of work and life as a universal problem should be founded in simultaneous local, short-term, partial resistance and attempts to limit the negative impacts and spread of precariousness on one hand and conceptualising and promoting comprehensive and universal solutions to precariousness on the other as part of a general rethinking of the social, political and economic order of our age. Keywords: digital technology, digital economy, precarious work and life, platform economy, platform capitalism, economic power, economic inequalities

The focus of this article is on the rise of populism and Euroscepticism in the context of the crisis of
liberal internationalism and of the EU in particular.
The article considers the view that the weak integration
of Slovenian–EU politics makes the country vulnerable
to this trend. Modern-nationalist, postmodern-cosmopolitan and faux-modern-partially modernised variations of populism are explored. The research draws on
public opinion surveys, party manifestos, focus groups
with party supporters, and interviews with mediators
in elite and popular debates. The dominant modern
economist/functionalist view of the EU is shown to have
fed into different framings in line with the underlying
thick ideologies. On the right, this has been a retro-modern nationalist reaction to the EU's overly progressive
policy and polity, with certain illiberal faux-modern elements like authoritarianism and ethno cultural exclusivism. On the left, it has reinforced the already existing contradictions with (neo)liberalism on the level of
politics, leaving the post-modern post-nationalist framing detached from the EU's polity and policy. The article
offers some proposals for better integrating the EU politics in Slovenia.
Keywords: EU, Euroscepticism, populism, illiberalism,
Slovenia, public opinion, political parties

Termin samoodločbe je zapisan v ustanovitvenih dokumentih večine državnih ustav ter mednarodnega prava, prav tako pa predstavlja sredstvo za legitimizacijo države ter nadnacionalnega reda. Točna definicija in njeni parametri pa so v resnici stvar debate, ne glede na to ali izhajajo iz logike notranjosti državniškega sistema ali iz logike njegove zunanjosti. Magistrsko delo najprej sledi "klasičnemu" pojmu samoodločbe v njegovi zgodovinski partikularnosti znotraj mednarodnega sistema, pri čemer poudari veliko napetost med samoodločbo in državno suverenostjo. Nakar se obrne h kritični politični teoriji, da bi izkopalo definicijo samoodločbe, pri kateri popusti poseben odnos samoodločbe z državnim sistemom in pojmom suverenosti. Takšno pojmovanje samoodločbe je za potrebe naloge poimenovano "rizomatično" in se nato uporabi pri analizi štirih primerov z namenom, da se pokaže, kako lahko tak pojem samoodločbe uporabimo za razumevanje možnosti, ki jih vzpostavljajo najnovejša politična gibanja. Temeljni argument magistrskega dela je, da ko jih razumemo v okvirju državnega sistema kot sedanjo ali prihodnjo "aktivno" pravico, se dejanja samoodločbe zreducirajo na normativni determinizem zgodovinsko kontingentnih odnosov sil, saj se bodisi ujamejo v pogoje obstoječih dejavnikov znotraj konstituiranega sistema bodisi njihovo uresničitev pogojuje učinkovitost sile, ki jo lahko izvršujejo, da bi izničili funkcije sistema, ki slonijo na obstoječih pravilih. Ko pa jo razumemo onkraj zaprte logike državnega sistema, lahko samoodločba pomeni izražanje neomejene konstituirajoče oblasti in kolektivne imaginacije, ki sprosti nove vektorje možnosti človeških političnih odnosov. ; The notion of 'self-determination' is enshrined in the founding documents of international law and most state constitutions as a means of legitimating the current state and supranational order. However, its precise definition and parameters are the subject of debate—both when understood from within the logic of the state system and from outside it. This thesis situates the "classic" notion of self-determination within its particular historical position inside the international system, highlighting its deep tension with the norm of state sovereignty, before turning to critical political theory to unearth a definition of self-determination wherein its particular relationship to the state system and the total notion of sovereignty is relaxed. This conception of self-determination is, for the purposes of this thesis, termed 'rhizomatic,' and applied to four case studies to demonstrate how it might be used to understand the possibilities created by recent political movements. The primary argument of this thesis is that, when understood inside the state system as a present or future 'active' right, acts of determination reduce to the normative determinism of historically contingent relations of force because they are either resolved on the terms of existing actors within the constituted system or by the effectiveness of force they can exert to deny the system's function based on its previous rules. However, when understood beyond the closed logic of the state system, self-determination can be taken to mean manifestations of boundless constitutive power and collective imagination that unleash new vectors of possibility for human political relations.

For Le Corbusier, the architect was the authority on living and their role was to know what is best for humans, as it becomes evident from what he declares in The Athens Charter: "Who can take the measures necessary to the accomplishment of this task if not the architect who possesses a complete awareness of man, who has abandoned illusory designs, and who, judiciously adapting the means to the desired ends, will create an order that bears within it a poetry of its own? The paper is focused on the critique of the principles of the Athens Charter and its relation to the attempt to strengthen the articulations between architecture and its social, economic and political context. It examines Team 10's intention to replace the four functions — dwelling, work, recreation and transport — of the Charter of Athens by the concept of the "human association", on the one hand, and to incorporate within the scope of architecture reflections regarding the impact of scale on the design process, on the other hand. The CIAM X was structured around two groups representing the two conflicting generations. As Nicholas Bullock notes, in Building the Post-war World: Modern Architecture and Reconstruction in Britain, the group representing the older generation focused on the work of CIAM since its foundation in the form of a charter similar to the Athens Charter, while the group representing the younger generation tried to extend the work of CIAM to rethink, as Alison and Peter Smithson noted in 1956, "the basic relationships between people and life". The goal of the CIAM X, held in Dubrovnik between 19 and 25 July 1956, was to challenge the assumptions of the Charter of Habitat. During this meeting, which neither Le Corbusier nor Walter Gropius attended, the younger generation consisting of Aldo van Eyck, Jacob Bakema, Georges Candilis, Shadrach Woods, and Alison and Peter Smithson established a new agenda for mass housing, "Habitat for the Greater Number". It was at this CIAM meeting that the Smithsons presented their "Fold Houses". A number of meetings preceding the CIAM X were held in London, Doorn, Paris, La Sarraz, and Padua. The main objective of this paper is to show how the debates that preceded the CIAM challenged the Charter of Habitat.

Združeno kraljestvo se je junija 2016 odločilo zapustiti Evropsko unijo. Napovedan izstop bo pomembno vplival na položaj prizadetih državljanov, to so državljani držav članic Evropske unije, prebivajoči v Združenem kraljestvu, in državljani Združenega kraljestva, prebivajoči v državah članicah Evropske unije. Zlasti bo brexit vplival na njihovi pravici do prebivanja in dela v drugi državi članici, ki izhajata iz določb PEU in PDEU o državljanstvu Evropske unije in prostem pretoku delavcev. Skladno s 50. členom PEU sta se obe strani po pogajanjih dogovorili o vsebini Dogovora o izstopu, ki želi kar najbolj ohraniti trenutni položaj prizadetih državljanov. Zaradi notranjih trenj v Združenem kraljestvu je uveljavitev dogovora vprašljiva in posledično obstaja velika verjetnost, da bo prišlo do bolj negotovega izstopa brez dogovora. V takem primeru obstaja več možnosti: prizadeti državljani bodo v razmerju do države gostiteljice postali tretji državljani, njihov položaj bodo urejali enostranski ukrepi ali pa bo prihodnja ureditev temeljila na sporazumih. Poleg dileme, ali bo prišlo do izstopa na podlagi dogovora ali brez dogovora, se v povezavi z brexitom pojavljajo številna pravna vprašanja. Med bolj zanimivimi so, kaj se bo zgodilo s pridobljenimi pravicami državljanov, ali lahko države gostiteljice prizadete državljane po izstopu izženejo, ali lahko državljani Združenega kraljestva po brexitu ohranijo državljanstvo EU, in ne nazadnje, ali lahko Združeno kraljestvo enostransko prekliče izjavo o izstopu. ; In June 2016, the United Kingdom decided to leave the European Union. The intended withdrawal will have an important effect on the rights of affected citizens, e. g. European Union Member States' citizens residing in the United Kingdom and the United Kingom's citizens residing in European Union Member States. Brexit will especially affect the rights of residence and work in another Member State, enshrined in provisions of the TEU and the TFEU on the EU citizenship and free movement of workers. As prescribed by the Article 50 of the TEU, following the negotiations both sides agreed on the text of the withdrawal agreement, which aims to maintain the current status of affected citizens to the greatest extent possible. The enforcement of the agreement is put in question by internal conflicts in the United Kingdom and consequently there is a high probability of the far more uncertain withdrawal without a deal. In a no-deal scenario there is a possibility that the affected citizens will become third citizens in relation to their host state or that their situation will be governed by unilateral measures or else that the future arrangement will be based on agreements. Besides the main question of withdrawal with or without a deal, the debate surrounding Brexit puts forward a number of issues. Among the most interesting are: what will happen to acquired rights of citizens ; can host states expel affected citizens after the withdrawal ; can citizens of the United Kingdom keep the European citizenship ; and, last but not least, can the United Kingdom unilaterally revoke the withdrawal notification.