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Introduction: taxation, responsiveness and accountability in developing countries --Linking taxation, responsiveness, and accountability --The extent and limits of cross-country econometric evidence --The importance of detailed country-level research --The argument of the book --Revenue, tax bargaining and the politics of development --Research strategy and methodology --Structure of the book --Statistical appendix --Linking taxation, responsiveness, and accountability: theoretical model and research strategy --The lessons of history: diverse pathways linking taxation and political change --A model of tax bargaining --Narrowing the focus and defining specific outcomes --Contextual factors affecting tax bargaining --Incorporating context and strategic interaction in the model --Conclusions --Taxation, responsiveness, and accountability in Ghana 1981-2008 --The political economy of taxation in Ghana 1981-2008 --Evidence of tax bargaining --The role of contextual factors --Conclusions --Appendix --Direct and indirect tax bargaining in Kenya 1963-2008 --The political economy of taxation in Kenya --Taxation, responsiveness and accountability in Kenya --Explaining patterns of tax bargaining --Conclusions --Appendix --The quiet politics of taxation in Ethiopia 1974-2008 --The Derg and the end of the feudal state 1974-1991 --Liberalization and decentralization under the EPRDF 1991-2008 --The dynamics of regional government taxation --Taxation, responsiveness and accountability in contemporary Ethiopia --Explaining outcomes: political, economic and social barriers to tax bargaining --Conclusions --Appendix --Understanding tax bargaining: complexity and contingency --Taxation, responsiveness and accountability: reviewing the evidence --Causal processes and outcomes --Contextual factors and tax bargaining --Conclusions --Looking forward: broader messages, policy lessons and directions for further research --A broader and more nuanced understanding of tax bargaining --From broad claims to specific policy implications --Limitations and future research.

Intro -- Contents -- Preface -- Part One: Introduction -- 1 Introduction: Rethinking Federalism in a Changing World -- Part Two: Citizenship, Identity, and Federal Societies -- 2 Constitutional Government and the Two Faces of Ethnicity: Federalism Is Not Enough -- 3 Identification in Transnational Political Communities -- 4 The New Pluralism: Regionalism, Ethnicity, and Language in Western Europe -- 5 The Federal Experience in Yugoslavia -- 6 Questions of Citizenship after the Breakup of the USSR -- 7 Citizenship Claims: Routes to Representation in a Federal System -- 8 The Aboriginal Peoples in Canada and Renewal of the Federation -- Part Three: The Economics of Federalism -- 9 Is Federalism the Future? An Economic Perspective -- 10 Economic Federalism and the European Union -- 11 Governing European Union: From Pre-Federal to Federal Economic Integration? -- 12 Central Asia: From Administrative Command Integration to Commonwealth of Independent States -- 13 American Federalism: An Economic Perspective -- Part Four: The Law and Politics of Federalism -- 14 New Wine in Old Bottles? Federalism and Nation States in the Twenty-First Century: A Conceptual Overview -- 15 Federalism and the Nation State: What Can Be Learned from the American Experience? -- 16 Canada and the United States: Lessons from the North American Experience -- 17 Federalism, Democracy, and Regulatory Reform: A Sceptical View of the Case for Decentralization -- 18 Federalism, the Charter, and the Courts: Rethinking Constitutional Dialogue in Canada -- 19 Central and Eastern European Federations: Communist Theory and Practice -- 20 Disintegration of the Soviet 'Federation' and the 'Federalization' of Ukraine -- Part Five: Conclusion -- 21 Multinationalism and the Federal Idea: A Synopsis -- Contributors -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N.

After almost a decade of successful macroeconomic management and several bold policy decisions, Indonesia is finally in a position of fiscal strength. Since 2006, Indonesia has freed up "fiscal space" of about US15 billion. Equivalent to around 7 percent of GDP, this is the largest increase in additional fiscal resources since the 1973-74 oil revenue windfall, providing a tremendous window of opportunity for Indonesia to upgrade its public services."Spending for Development: Making the Most of Indonesia's New Opportunities" is the first Public Expenditure Review to cover national and sub-national spending in Indonesia. It sheds light on the impact of the country's transition towards decentralization and the new ways of which public resources are now administrated and allocated. An essential source of analysis for all stakeholders in public finance in Indonesia, some of the most important findings include:1 Thanks to the fuel subsidies cuts in 2005, Indonesia freed up US10 billion in 2006 to spend on development programs. An additional US5 billion also came available from increasing revenues and declining debt service.2 Despite the 2005 domestic fuel price adjustments, Indonesia still spends US12 billion on subsidies annually, mainly on fuel and electricity. 3 Thirty-six percent of all public spending is now in the hands of sub-national governments.4 While spending on education since the crisis has nearly doubled and spending on health has increased almost 70 percent, spending on infrastructure investment remains significantly less than pre-crisis levels (below 3.4 percent of GDP). 5 Indonesia spends about 50 percent of its total annual capital expenditure in the final quarter of the year.

Cover -- Half title -- Contributors -- Title page -- Copyright -- CONTENT -- Preface -- 1. Introduction: Reforming the Administration of Justice in Mexico -- PART I: Crime and Criminality in Mexico -- 2. The Social Construction of Crime in Mexico -- 3. A Historical Perspective on Crime in Twentieth-Century Mexico City -- 4. The Mexican Prison System -- PART II: Police and Policing in Mexico -- 5. A Profile of Police Forces in Mexico -- 6. Criminal Investigation and the Subversion of the Principles of the Justice System in Mexico -- 7. The Militarization of the Procuraduría General de la Republica: Risks for Mexican Democracy -- 8. Police Abuse in Mexico City -- PART Ill: Civil Society in Action in the Border Region -- 9. The Mexican Judicial System: Continuity and Change in a Period of Democratic Consolidation -- 10. Justice Reform and Legal Opinion: The Mexican Criminal Codes of 1871, 1929, and 1931 -- 11. The Role of Lawyers in the Mexican Justice System -- 12. Lobbying for Judicial Reform: The Role of the Mexican Supreme Court in Institutional Selection -- PART IV: Crime and Society -- 13. Citizen Access and Professional Responsibility in the Mexican Justice System -- 14. Unweaving the Social Fabric: The Impact of Crime on Social Capital -- 15. Binational Civic Action for Accountability: Antiviolence Organizing in Cd. Juarez-El Paso -- 16. Different but Equal: Access to Justice for Mexico's Indigenous Peoples -- PART V: Best Practices and Policy Recommendations -- 17. Exploring Roads to Police Reform: Six Recommendations -- 18. Evaluating the Zero Tolerance Strategy and Its Application in Mexico City -- 19. Assessing Decentralization: What Role for Municipal Government in the Administration of Justice? -- 20. Public Security, Criminal Justice, and Human Rights: A Critique of PAN Governance in Jalisco, 1995-2006.

Main description: Is it the central purpose of American antitrust policy to encourage decentralization of economic power? Or is it to promote "consumer welfare"? Is there a painful trade-off between market dominance and economic "efficiency"? What is the proper role of government in this area? In recent years the public policy debate on these core questions has been marked by a cacophony of divergent opinions--theorists against empiricists, apostles of the "new learning" against defenders of the traditional structure-conduct-performance paradigm, "laissez-faire" advocates against "interventionists." Utilizing a distinctively innovative format, Walter Adams and James Brock examine these issues in the context of a courtroom dialogue among a proponent of the new learning (Chicago School), a prosecuting attorney, and a U.S. district judge. In contrast to bloodless "scientific" treatises or ideologically inspired polemical tracts, this book lays bare the central arguments in the debate about free-market economics and the latent assumptions and disguised terminology on which those arguments are based. The dialogue is both gripping and entertaining--designed by the authors to be reminiscent at times of the Theater of the Absurd.Originally published in 1991.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

Throughout history, rural smallholders have formed various forms of associations to confront access-barriers to the market. It is estimated that 250 million farmers participate in agricultural cooperatives in developing countries. Agricultural cooperatives are considered to be a fundamental pillar of rural development strategies, as well as a core institution in the process of governance decentralization and agri-business development. In Ethiopia, where agro-ecological conditions are generally favourable, 85 percent of the national population lives in rural areas under subsistence or semi-subsistence regimes. Agricultural cooperatives are advocated by the government as key market institutions to exploit Ethiopia's agricultural growth potential. The scope of this study is to improve the understanding of the role played by cooperative organizations in linking Ethiopian smallholder farmers to emerging markets. Through exploring the evolution of supermarkets, integrated supply chains, and global commodity exchange networks, this study sheds light on the relationship between rural cooperation and farmers' competitiveness. Quantitative data that form the basis for this study were collected from the Highland regions of Ethiopia, in the period between 2003 and 2006. Findings suggest that cooperatives are not a panacea to boost rural competitiveness. Collective action assists smallholders in procuring state subsidy for production, but does not necessarily lead to increased commercialization. Only when collective action involves collective marketing do farmers become more commercial, further improving production volumes and productivity. However, in the process of commercialization and production intensification quality management is often neglected in Ethiopian agricultural cooperatives. This study reveals guidelines for public-private partnerships so that cooperative farmers can maximize commercialization and optimize the balance between quality and productivity

Cover -- PLANNING FROM BELOW -- Title -- Copyright -- TABLE OF CONTENTS -- VOLUME I. PLANNING FROM BELOW. A PROPOSAL OF DECENTRALIZED PARTICIPATORY PLANNING. THEORETICAL ASPECTS -- FOREWORD -- PREFACE -- PART I. CONCEPTUAL ASPECTS -- CHAPTER I. WHAT WE MEAN BY DECENTRALIZED PARTICIPATORY PLANNING -- 1) Seeking the greatest protagonism possible -- 2) What we mean by planning -- 3) Toward decentralized participatory planning -- a) The need for planning to be participatory -- b) The need for planning to be decentralized -- 4) Achievements and weaknesses of participatory budgets -- 5) Political importance of our proposal -- CHAPTER II. VENEZUELA AND KERALA EXPERIENCES -- 1) The role of organized communities in Venezuela -- a) What do we mean by community? -- b) Unified plan that brings together all community initiatives -- c) Promote community supervision -- e) Ensuring an electoral result that reflects the will of the people -- e) The Community Assembly: the maximum authority -- f) Giving priority to actions over words and speeches -- g) How to ensure a large and broad attendance -- h) A team to help initiate the process -- i) Handing over financial resources to small projects -- j) Small public works that had a big impact in Santa Tecla, San Salvador -- k) If there is a shortage of resources, hold a community project-ideas competition -- 2) The experience of decentralized participatory planning in Kerala -- a) Three levels of local rural self-government -- b) Transfer of resources and competencies -- c) From the rural village to meetings in smaller areas: wards and neighborhood areass -- d) Decentralization of important financial resources to the lower levels -- e) Principles that govern the process -- f) The contributions of the experiences of Kerala and Venezuela -- CHAPTER III. LEVELS OF PLANNING AND TYPE OF PLANS.

The changing European context has generated a greater interest in learning from each others' political and managerial practices. In central and eastern Europe this is a matter of urgency as new government systems are established. In western Europe there are opportunities to compare the responses of different structures and traditions of government with common issues: the redefinition of the state's role in economic development and welfare; calls for new forms and levels of political participation and control; assertions of localism; demands for more responsible and accessible service provision; and efficiency in the face of fiscal constraint. This opportunity to learn has particular pertinence in the British case where, after 25 years of periodic reform, local government is once again due to undergo radical transformation in its structure and procedures. This book takes up the question of the form of the political executive. This is not simply a matter of internal management but relates to the central question of the balance between command structures and local accountability. How do different executive systems (committees, cabinets, boards, mayors, city managers) affect the efficiency of administration and the effectiveness of democracy? John Stewart considers the principles on which the British collective executive, combined with the legislature, is based. He identifies the implications of alternative executive systems and reminds us that change can be brought about by building rather than scrapping existing practices. The following three articles show how that evolutionary approach has been adopted in countries whose executive systems have, at least partly, shared the British collective approach. Baldersheim analyses Oslo's experiments in shifting from an aldermanic to a cabinet system, changing not only the model of political organization but also its relationship with the administration. The executive may now further evolve into a ministerial model, consolidating political over official control of the administration. Montin's account of reforms in the relationship between politics and administration in Sweden describes a vigorous debate which will be familiar to readers in Britain and elsewhere. Since 1945 there have been the classical shifts from top-down managerialist reforms, to a concern with political participation and decentralization, to a new managerialism combined with an assertion of the merits of privatization and user control. What is distinct from Britain in the Swedish case is the extent to which the experiments in new forms of management and contracting are locally inspired rather than centrally imposed. Grunow describes the movement in North Rhine-Westphalia from the 'British model' to a strong executive leadership; current reforms propose a new mayoral model. He identifies the implications for majority and minority parties, for officers, and for the influence of external interests. This leads him to consider whether reform processes in East Germany are repeating old mistakes. Rolla then examines the relationship between the political and the executive structure in Italian local government. Lastly we return to the British case and Crawford's analysis of the British central government's resistance to the signing of the European Charter of Local Self-Government. In particular he questions the government's objection to local 'general competence' and greater financial freedom.

"The prospect of international conflict over water has long been the subject of academic and popular concern, but sub-national political conflict is considerably more common, and almost certainly imposes greater economic and environmental costs. Indeed, sub-national hydropolitics are an important feature of several large countries, including the United States, India, and China. Moreover, disputes between water users in shared river basins have often persisted despite repeated attempts by central governments to resolve them through both persuasion and coercion. Yet despite the growing threat of water scarcity around the world, little research exists on sub-national politics of shared water resources. This book attempts to fill the gap by explaining how and why hydropolitics play out within countries, as well as between them. Subnational Hydropolitics re-examines the issue of water conflict by examining conflicts at the sub-national rather than international level. By examining several in-depth case studies of both conflict and cooperation, author Scott Moore argues that increasing sub-national water conflict is driven by two inter-linked forces, identity politics, which gives sub-national politicians a reason to compete over shared water resources; and political decentralization, which provides them with the tools to do so. To understand politics at the sub-national level, the book blends insights from both the environmental governance and comparative politics literatures. By examining the challenges many countries face in achieving cooperation over shared water resources, the book helps to shed light on different mechanisms and processes for solving cooperation problems at the regional scale-lessons relevant to tackling a wide range of transboundary environmental problems, including air pollution, urbanization, and ecosystem protection. But at its core, this book promises a definitive contribution to the growing sub-field of environmental politics, centered on understanding how different countries attempt to solve the problems inherent in governing water resources in shared river basins."

What is the outlook for educational reform in the United States? One of the most striking proposals has been to establish a system of national standards, which has raised many complex questions: Is it possible for the United States, with its history of extreme decentralization, to establish and enforce national standards for what students should know? Who will create these standards? What would be the role of the federal, state, and local governments? While the idea of national standards has been widely supported, many respected educators doubt their value from fear that such standards will institutionalize the lowest common denominator. Others cite the poor performance of U.S. students on international tests and insist that the U.S. will suffer because of this poor performance. The debate becomes even more intense when the question of assessment is posed. Is it possible to develop a national examination system tied to new standards? Should such tests be used to influence entry to colleges and jobs? Would the motivation of students to learn be increased if they knew that their performance would be reviewed by colleges and employers? Is it fair to set standards for students without setting standards for schools? To address these and other questions, this book, the result of a Brookings conference, brings together representatives of various viewpoints on the utility and equity of increasing the use of tests for students, teachers, and schools. The contributors are Chester Finn, Jr., the Edison Project; Daniel Koretz, RAND; Andrew Porter, Wisconsin Center for Education Research; Lauren Resnick, University of Pittsburgh; Roy Romer, Governor of Colorado; Albert Shanker, American Federation of Teachers; Theodore R. Sizer, Brown University; Marshall C. Smith, U.S. Department of Education; and Donald M. Stewart, The College Board. Brookings Dialogues on

'Die in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten durchgeführten Reformen des öffentlichen Sektors haben zu mehr Effizienz und Effektivität geführt, aber auch eine Reihe von Problemen mit sich gebracht. Der Einzug von Ideen des New Public Management und des 'Governance'-Ansatzes hat zu den Problemen des Regierens, wie wir sie heute beobachten können, beigetragen. Diese Probleme sind vor allem politischer Natur, da die Reformen zu einer Überbetonung administrativer gegenüber demokratischen Werten geführt haben. Auf die realen und die wahrgenommenen Probleme haben die Regierungen mit einer Reihe von 'Meta-Governance-Instrumenten' reagiert, die zur Steuerung öffentlicher Verwaltungen beitragen können, aber weniger direkte hierarchische Kontrolle voraussetzen. Dieser Beitrag diskutiert Möglichkeiten, wie die politische Kontrolle über den öffentlichen Sektor und die Kohärenz staatlicher Programme wieder hergestellt und gleichzeitig die Autonomie öffentlicher Organisationen sowie die Einbindung von Policy-Netzwerken gestärkt werden können.' (Autorenreferat)