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Although the region remains highly centralized, the tendency toward decentralization is quite strong. Not only is a larger portion of the general government budget executed from the subnational government level, the autonomy that these governments have in deciding how much to spend and what to spend on is increasing as well. In this context, it is important to analyze the possible effects of the move toward decentralization on fiscal performance.

Thesis (D.P.A.)--National Institute of Development Administration, 2020 504 ; This research studies the impacts of fiscal decentralization on local government performance and inclusive growth. The unit of analysis was 76 provinces in Thailand (all provinces with the exception of Bueng Kan), and the research period was 2010 to 2017. The analysis of the economic growth model indicates that fiscal decentralization, excluding grants had a negative relationship with economic growth with no statistical significance, while fiscal decentralization, including grants had a positive relationship with economic growth with no statistical significance. However, local government performance had a positive statistically significant relationship with economic growth. The research results are used to develop policy recommendations on balancing revenue and expenditure decentralization of local government organizations and to increase the efficiency of human resources and utilities in order to achieve economic growth. In addition, the research finds that grants allocated to local government organizations help to increase income distribution equality and reduce the number of poor. Moreover, increased per capita income is a key factor in reducing the number of poor people but this has no effect on income distribution equality. The policy recommendations on fiscal decentralization are made based on the research results, including those on improving local tax collection to be more fair and equitable and determine the criteria for the allocation of grants to local government organizations by focusing on poverty alleviation and income distribution equality. ; - ; [preview](https://repository.nida.ac.th/bitstream/662723737/5504/4/b212198.pdf.jpg)

"Decentralization has the potential to improve the accountability of government and lead to a more efficient provision of public services. However, accountability requires broad groups of people to participate in local government. Thus, voter turnout at local government elections is an important component of government accountability. This study used survey data on the 2005 local government elections in Pakistan to analyze the impact of electoral mechanisms, the credibility of elections, and voters� socioeconomic characteristics on voter turnout. The rational-choice perspective is applied to develop the specifications of the empirical model. The empirical analysis is based on a series of standard and multilevel random-intercept logistic models. Our important findings reveal that (1) voter turnout is strongly associated with the personal and social gratifications people derive from voting; (2) the preference-matching ability of candidates for local government positions is marginal; and (3) the introduction of direct elections of the district nazims�a key position in local government�might improve electoral participation and thus create a precondition for better local government accountability. The findings also suggest that less educated people, farmers, and rural people are more likely to vote." -- Authors' Abstract ; Non-PR ; IFPRI1; DCA; Theme 5; Subtheme 5.2; GRP37 ; DSGD

Using a simple model of incomplete contracts to characterize the relationship between decentralization and contracting with the private sector, I show that, provided that the expected reduction in quality is low, more decentralized local governments will contract more with the private sector. Then, I use the 2001 decentralization reform in Colombia to test these ideas. Particularly important, the reform entitles more decentralized municipalities to sign subsidy contracts with private schools, and departments (a higher level of government) to do so for the less decentralized municipalities. I take advantage of the fact that the level of decentralization is decided using an exogenous population threshold to identify causal effects using Regression Discontinuity Design. The empirical results are consistent with the prediction of the model. More decentralized municipalities subsidize more students in private schools. There are no significant differences in enrolment in public schools across more and less decentralized municipalities.

We assess the fiscal behaviour in the European Union countries for the period 1990-2005 via the responsiveness of budget balances to several determinants. The results show that the existence of effective fiscal rules, the degree of public spending decentralization, and the electoral cycle can impinge on the country's fiscal position. Furthermore, the results also support the responsiveness of primary balances to government indebtedness.

We assess the fiscal behaviour in the European Union countries for the period 1990-2005 via the responsiveness of budget balances to several determinants. The results show that the existence of effective fiscal rules, the degree of public spending decentralization, and the electoral cycle can impinge on the country's fiscal position. Furthermore, the results also support the responsiveness of primary balances to government indebtedness.

We assess the fiscal behaviour in the European Union countries for the period 1990- 2005 via the responsiveness of budget balances to several determinants. The results show that the existence of effective fiscal rules, the degree of public spending decentralization, and the electoral cycle can impinge on the country's fiscal position. Furthermore, the results also support the responsiveness of primary balances to government indebtedness.

The article proves that decentralization in Ukraine opens up not only new opportunities for local authorities, but also creates the conditions for revising the existing paradigm of rural development. The current agricultural paradigm cannot actually meet the growing demand, and the new agrarian paradigm ensures the competitive development of agriculture. Based on comparative sociological studies in the united territorial communities and communities that have not yet been included in the united territorial communities, in the Kharkiv region it has been shown that there is now a change in the policy of supporting rural areas: from orientation of support through subsidizing the agricultural sector in support of the integrated development of rural territories. Sociological studies have shown that a key difference between the traditional and the new paradigms of rural development is the change in the main political actor. If in the traditional paradigm this is the central government, then in the new it is multi-level governance, and the role of local levels of government is constantly growing, especially the community of rural residents, local activists and local science. However, research has shown very little public confidence that local authorities will be able to cope with the additional powers that they will receive during decentralization. Sociological research has shown that village councils lose OTG in many respects; the potential of the latter is very large. Sociological research has shown that the voluntary unification of territorial communities during 2015–2019 gives a significant positive result and confidence in change for the better. Also on the agenda are issues of professional training of local government employees and development of community development strategies.

Albania, for 30 years, has entered the phase of transition from a society organized into a one-party central governing regime to a democratic society of a free market economy. But the pace of moving in this direction and modernizing the country is not the expected one, because the centralized proclamations of the political elite and expertise have not allowed liberal approaches to enter Albanian legislation and governing practices. This has been the case in particular in the sector of territorial planning, where central governments have aimed and managed to not allow the actual decentralization of the governing function of drafting and adopting local territorial planning instruments. This has resulted in a shortage of local instruments, in general, but even when managed to ensure they are presented far beyond the needs, problems and objective local imbalances. This is because their distance mapping from the actual municipality for which they were designed failed to recognize the specifics and characteristics of each of them. The result has been evident; in both cases, planning has been inexistent to drive sustainable, smart and inclusive urban development processes. In this paper we aim to build another approach for future development in Albania, a country which aims at integration into the European Union. This path should be development based on previously adopted territorial planning instruments, drawn up in democratic and parliamentary processes as a local political activity. Central government must understand and accept the new and different role than the one it played 30 years ago in territorial development issues, and that the process of drafting and adopting local territorial planning instruments should be a function of local government itself.

The issues that concern Decentralization, Local Government, and in general State Administration are themselves of great importance. Their importance, however, is more significant during certain periods, because of special circumstances that a country might find itself. Our country is being under these special circumstances for many reasons.

We measure the contribution of fiscal decentralization to trust in government. Using repeated cross-country survey data of individuals on several measures of trust in government over the 1994{2007 period, we estimate an ordered response model of the government trust and fiscal decentralization nexus. We control for unobserved country characteristics, macroeconòmic determinants, and individual characteristics. Our main finding is that fiscal decentralization increases trust in government. More specifically, a one percentage point increase in fiscal decentralization causes roughly a four-fifths of a percentage point increase in government trust. The beneficial effect of fiscal decentralization on trust in government is neither limited to nor necessarily large for relatively decentralized countries.

[eng]This article analyses Spanish Mayors' perceptions on three areas of possible reforms that are currently on the local government agenda: re-scaling, amalgamations and metropolitanization. This study shows two main features: On the one hand, a relative homogeneity regarding mayors' perceptions of reforms and, on the other hand, a consistent difference in the mayors' orientations from two groups of autonomous communities. The first ones acceded to the 'fast track' decentralization process that unfolded in Spain since 1978, due to the pressure exerted by their political leaders; the second group acceded to autonomy in a later wave, equating the distribution of power in all the territories of the state. Specifically, it is found that homogeneity in responses is only apparent when the two groups of mayors are considered. Thus, those from 'fast track' regions are more in favor of decentralization towards their regions and structures of coordination or cooperation between levels of government than mayors in 'slow track' autonomous communities. We conclude that, in a scenario of shared power and multilevel interdependence, fast-track mayors tend to protect more intergovernmental agreements that favour spaces where they can control the formulation of policies that affect them. ; [spa] Este artículo analiza la percepción de los alcaldes españoles en tres áreas de posibles reformas que actualmente están en la agenda del gobierno local: reordenación, fusiones y creación de gobiernos metropolitanos. Este estudio revela dos características principales. Por un lado, una homogeneidad relativa de las posiciones de los alcaldes respecto a las reformas y, por otro, una diferencia consistente en las orientaciones de los alcaldes de alcaldes de dos grupos de comunidades autónomas. Las primeras accedieron al proceso de escentralización por la vía rápida que se desplegó en España a partir de 1978, debido a la presión ejercida por sus líderes políticos; el segundo grupo accedió a la autonomía en una ola posterior, equiparando la distribución del poder en todos los territorios del Estado. Específicamente, se ha descubierto que la homogeneidad en las respuestas sólo se aprecia cuando se consideran los dos grupos de alcaldes mencionados. Así, los de las regiones de la vía rápida están más a favor de la descentralización hacia sus regiones y de estructuras de coordinación o cooperación entre niveles de gobierno que los alcaldes en las comunidades autónomas de la vía lenta. Concluimos que, en un escenario de poder compartido y de interdependencia multinivel, los alcaldes de la vía rápida tienden a proteger más los acuerdos intergubernamentales que favorezcan los espacios donde puedan controlar la formulación de políticas que los afectan.

Adding to the literature on the effects of government decentralization, this paper uses a large sample of individual responses from more than a hundred countries about public's perceptions of government's performance along various dimensions to study the relative influences of different types of decentralization, including fiscal decentralization, administrative decentralization, federalism, and aggregate decentralization. Our results show that fiscal and administrative decentralization are qualitatively alike in that greater decentralization in each case improves perceptions of the government performance. Federalist states' performance and overall decentralization are viewed somewhat differently. With regard to tax administration particularly, fiscal and administrative forms of government decentralization result in better outcomes than overall decentralization. Finally, service industries and large firms, ceteris paribus, perceived government performance differently.

Without much preparation, Indonesia, in 2000, at a stroke replaced the previous system of centralized government and development planning with a wide range of decentralization programs. The reforms gave greater authority, political power, and financial resources directly to regencies and municipalities, bypassing the provinces. The powers transferred include those of executing a wide range of responsibilities in the areas of health, primary and middle-level education, public works, environment, communication, transport, agriculture, manufacturing, and other economic sectors. At the same time, the government replaced the antiquated cash-based, single-entry system of public finance with a modern double-entry accounting system that uses a single treasury account; is performance based; and has transparent management of the public treasury, tight expenditure and financial controls with performance indicators, computerized reporting, and a tightly scheduled auditing system. On the positive side, unlike in many developing and transition countries, the decentralization program in Indonesia has not caused major political or economic problems. However, the decentralization program was ill prepared and not carried out in a logical order for two reasons. First, the capacity of subnational governments to produce public and private goods, increase productivity and employment, and promote economic growth in their jurisdictions, was not increased. Because of the long tradition of centralization, local government never built the capacity to carry out economic planning and undertake initiatives to promote local economic growth. Before the reform, the local governments had mainly functioned as implementing agencies of national policies and programs. Second, the number of good financial managers, as required by the new laws of public treasury and auditing, was also limited and needed to be trained. The rising revenues of local governments do not follow their increasing government functions to promote economic development that could potentially cause fiscal imbalances.

In the last two decades there has been a worldwide interest in decentralization of government in all parts of the world. According to Ebel (2000), out of the 77 developing and transition countries with populations greater than 7 million, 63 have embarked on some form of fiscal decentralization. There are two main objectives that we tried to achieve through this thesis. Firstly, we tried to examine empirically the effects of decentralization on macroeconomic stability. Even though there is a huge literature both theoretically and empirically on the impact of decentralization, not many of them seems to be interested on the question of the link between decentralization and macroeconomic stability. Nevertheless, it should be noted that the outcome of a decentralization policy which in short can be defined as the delegation of more powers and responsibilities to lower level governments, depends largely on the behavior of these subnational governments. As such, in the second part of this thesis, we tried to analyze the determinants of subnational governments' behaviors. More specifically, we tried to look at the relation between the behavior of subnational governments and the institutions in which they evolve and more particularly the incentives that result from these institutions. In order to achieve that, we used Malaysia as our case study. ; Lors des deux décennies dernières, une vague de décentralisation a déferlé sur le monde entier. En effet, selon Ebel (2000), des 77 pays en développement et en transition recensés dans le monde, 63 ont procédé à une politique de décentralisation. Il y a deux objectifs principaux que nous essayons d'atteindre dans cette thèse. Premièrement, nous essayons d'examiner empiriquement les effets de la décentralisation sur la stabilité macroéconomique. Cette recherche est motivée par la constatation que s'il existe une littérature assez importante sur l'impact de décentralisation sur la croissance, la question des effets de la décentralisation sur la stabilité macroéconomique reste ...