Suchergebnisse

Since 2006, our research team has been establishing in the islands of Livingston and Deception, (South Shetland archipelago, Antarctica) several monitoring stations of the active layer thickness within the international network Circumpolar Active Layer Monitoring (CALM), and the ground thermal regime for the Ground Terrestrial Network-Permafrost (GTN-P). Both networks were developed within the International Permafrost Association (IPA). In the GTN-P stations, in addition to the temperature of the air, soil, and terrain at different depths, the snow thickness is also monitored by snow poles. Since 2006, a delay in the disappearance of the snow layer has been observed, which could explain the variations we observed in the active layer thickness and permafrost temperatures. Therefore, in late 2015 our research group started the PERMASNOW project (2015-2019) to pay attention to the effect of snow cover on ground thermal This project had two different ways to study the snow cover. On the first hand, in early 2017 we deployed new instrumentation, including new time lapse cameras, snow poles with high number of sensors and a complete and complex set of instruments and sensors to configure a snow pack analyzer station providing 32 environmental and snow parameters. We used the data acquired along 2017 and 2018 years with the new instruments, together with the available from all our already existing sensors, to study in detail the snow cover. On the other hand, remote sensing data were used to try to map the snow cover, not only at our monitoring stations but the entire islands in order to map and study the snow cover distribution, as well as to start the way for future permafrost mapping in the entire islands. MODIS-derived surface temperatures and albedo products were used to detect the snow cover and to test the surface temperature. Since cloud presence limited the acquisition of valid observations of MODIS sensor, we also analyzed Terrasar X data to over-come this limitation. Remote sensing data validation required the acquirement of in situ ground-true data, consisting on data from our permanent instruments, as well as ad hoc measurements in the field (snow cover mapping, snow pits, albedo characterization, etc.). Although the project is finished, the data analysis is still ongoing. We present here the different research tasks we are developing as well as the most important results we already obtained about the snow cover. These results confirm how the snow cover duration has been changing in the last years, affecting the ground thermal behavior. ; With funding from the Spanish government through the "María de Maeztu Unit of Excellence" accreditation (MDM-2017-0737)

Report (in spanish) of the 2021-22 field campaign in Livingston and Deception islands, Antarctica for the maintanance of the TSP and CALM permafrost and active layer monitoring stations of PERMATHERMAL network from Alcalá University (Universidad de Alcalá, UAH), Spain. This report includes an short description of the history of the monitoring network, a description of the instruments and their location, and an overview of the data acquired in 2021 years by the different instruments, as well as proposals of future actions and tasks to ensure the continuity of the this time serie. This report is a deliverable to the funding agency: Unit of Marine Technology of the Spanish Council for Scientific Research, Government of Spain, by the contract with reference 2022/042 and code 2022/00102/001 with Universidad de Alcalá.

Report (in spanish) of the 2020-21 field campaign in Livingston and Deception islands, Antarctica for the maintanance of the TSP and CALM permafrost and active layer monitoring stations of PERMATHERMAL network from Alcalá University, Spain. This report includes an short description of the history of the monitoring network, a description of the instruments and their location, and an overview of the data acquired in 2020 years by the different instruments, as well as proposals of future actions and tasks to ensure the continuity of the this time serie. This report is a deliverable to the funding agency: Unit of Marine Technology of the Spanish Council for Scientific Research, Government of Spain, by the contract with reference 141/2021 and code 2020/00553/001 with Universidad de Alcalá.

This article pretends to show how the National Action Party (PAN) has stopped being a majority party in Guanajuato. In the election of 2012 the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) won major municipalities in the state as Guanajuato city and León, but also lost the governorship for a relatively small proportion. State election results for governor let us see a state with a highly competitive election, which had been observed since the last election, this indicates a state with a possibility of political alternation in the next election. With that premise, this article assumes that the PAN won the election for governor thanks to the rural vote, partisanship identification, and also the party had been supported for businessmen and the most important politicians of the region. Meanwhile, PRI got a big step in Guanajuato election, because to Enrique Peña Nieto's support to the gubernatorial candidate, not only for their repeatedly visits to Guanajuato, but it also for the great national publicity that he did, that influence the electorate in Guanajuato. ; Este artículo pretende señalar como el Partido Acción Nacional (PAN) está dejando de ser un partido mayoritario en Guanajuato, ya que en la elección de 2012 el Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) ganó importantes municipios en el estado como es Guanajuato y León, pero además perdió por un porcentaje relativamente pequeño la gubernatura. Los resultados electorales del Estado para gobernador nos dejan ver un Estado con una alta competitividad electoral, la cual ya se vía observando desde la elección pasada, lo anterior indica un estado con una alta posibilidad de alternancia política en la siguiente elección. Con esta premisa, este artículo parte del supuesto que el PAN ganó la elección, fundamentalmente, por el voto rural, su identificación partidaria, además de que el partido contó con el apoyo de los empresarios y políticos más importantes de la región. Mientras, el PRI consiguió un gran avance electoral en Guanajuato debido en parte, al apoyo que dio Enrique Peña Nieto al candidato a gobernador por este partido, pues no sólo vino reiteradamente a Guanajuato, sino que además por la gran publicidad que este candidato hizo a nivel nacional, logró influir en el electorado de Guanajuato. Partisan Deception or political alternance. Analysis of election for governor in Guanajuato 2012 Abstract This article pretends to show how the National Action Party (PAN) has stopped being a majority party in Guanajuato. In the election of 2012 the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) won major municipalities in the state as Guanajuato city and León, but also lost the governorship for a relatively small proportion. State election results for governor let us see a state with a highly competitive election, which had been observed since the last election, this indicates a state with a possibility of political alternation in the next election. With that premise, this article assumes that the PAN won the election for governor thanks to the rural vote, partisanship identification, and also the party had been supported for businessmen and the most important politicians of the region. Meanwhile, PRI got a big step in Guanajuato election, because to Enrique Peña Nieto's support to the gubernatorial candidate, not only for their repeatedly visits to Guanajuato, but it also for the great national publicity that he did, that influence the electorate in Guanajuato. Keywords: governor, elections, Guanajuato.

En la pandemia del coronavirus Covid-19, Europa pasó a ser el epicentro, luego de Asia, y antes de que llegara a América. En este escenario, las fronteras nacionales reaparecieron y los ciudadanos se sintieron seguros al estar dentro de un Estado "cerrado", inclusive a expensas de sus derechos individuales. La Unión Europea (UE), con una función de acompañamiento y apoyo en temas de salud, debió "navegar" entre estas estructuras de multi-niveles. Aunque los ciudadanos europeos hayan criticado su lentitud e ineficacia, saben que sigue siendo un esquema de soporte necesario e imprescindible. En este trabajo, nos proponemos describir los efectos disruptivos de la pandemia en el proceso de integración europea. Para ello, identificamos tres aspectos: las tensiones entre el nivel nacional y el nivel europeo, el impacto sobre las instituciones democráticas de los Estados miembros, y las percepciones y actitudes de los ciudadanos respecto del manejo de la pandemia por parte de la UE. Es probable que la UE, por primera vez en mucho tiempo, pueda dar la respuesta que sus ciudadanos esperan y salir reforzada de esta crisis. ; In the Covid-19 coronavirus pandemic, Europe became the epicenter after Asia, and before it reached America. In this scenario, national borders reappeared and citizens felt safe being within their "closed" state, even at the expense of their individual rights. The European Union (EU), with a complement and support function on health issues, had to "navigate" between these multi-level structures. Moreover, even if European citizens have criticized EU's slowness and inefficiency, they know that it remains a necessary and essential support scheme. In this paper, we aim at describing the disruptive effects of the pandemic on the process of European integration, identifying three areas: the tensions between the national level and the European level, the impact on the democratic institutions of the Member States, and citizens' perceptions and attitudes about the EU's management of the pandemic. Possibly the ...

Este artículo es un análisis global de las circunstancias más relevantes que, desde el punto de vista de la comunicación, se dieron en las últimas elecciones presidenciales en los EEUU, donde se enfrentaban dos posturas políticas a juicio del autor bastante dispares. Se trata de una valoración personal de aquel acontecimiento desde la óptica del ensayo académico. ; This is a global analysis of the most relevant circumstances that, from a communication viewpoint, were found during the last presidential elections in the United States, where two political stands, quite different in the author's opinion, were confronted. It is a personal assessment of such event in the form of an academic essay.

El periodo 2005-2014 fue una de las mejores decadas de la Ciencia Politica (CP) brasilena. Para que esto ocurriera, contribuyeron, en primer lugar, el crecimiento de la economia del pais y el consecuente aumento del gasto publico dedicado a las universidades y a la actividad cientifica en general y las politicas del Ministerio de Educacion. Tambien fue vital para este exito la accion colectiva eficaz en el seno de la comunidad de politologos brasilenos. Consecuentemente, la CP brasilena se encuentra hoy, en el contexto latinoamericano, mas cercana al potencial generado por la poblacion y la economia del pais. Ademas, la disciplina ha sido nacionalizada y su agenda de investigacion hoy es menos parroquial. Por el lado negativo, sin embargo, se mantiene la relativamente baja visibilidad internacional de la produccion de los politologos brasilenos, se constata la escasa aplicacion fundamentada de metodos cualitativos y, recientemente, ha aflorado una considerable inseguridad sobre los recursos disponibles para la disciplina, teniendo en cuenta los anos de ajuste fiscal que se avecinan The years between 2005 and 2014 were one of the best decades of political science (PS) in Brazil. The growth of the economy, the consequent increase in public spending on universities and scientific activity in general, and the policies pursued by the Ministry of Education played a key role in bringing this outcome about. Effective collective action within the Brazilian PS community was also a vital contributing factor. Consequently, Brazilian PS is now closer to the potential generated by the country's population and economy, as far as the Latin American context is concerned. In addition, the discipline has been nationalized, and its research agenda is now less parochial nowadays. On the negative side, however, the output of Brazilian political scientists still stands out for its relatively low international visibility. Moreover, Brazilian PS remains characterized by a scarce systematic application of well thought-out qualitative methods. Finally, a considerable uncertainty over the resources available to the discipline has recently surfaced, given the years of fiscal adjustment lying ahead. Adapted from the source document.

The exposure of the political regimes of the Political Treatise is not random; Spinoza first exposes the least convenient, that is, the monarchist, then the one that suits the most, the aristocracy, and finally democracy, a regime he conceives as the most perfect. This exposure criterion does not serve as a criterion to investigate what is the value of democracy for Spinoza, but it also allows us to investigate what is the main obstacle or danger that democracy must face so that it can really be instituted by citizens, and so that it is not instrumentalized by the particular interests of the rulers and politicians on duty. ; La exposición de los regímenes políticos del Tratado Político no es aleatoria; Spinoza expone en primer lugar el que menos conviene, esto es, el monárquico, después el que conviene más, la aristocracia, y finalmente la democracia, régimen al que concibe como el más perfecto. Este criterio de exposición no sirve de criterio para investigar cuál es el valor de la democracia para Spinoza, pero nos permite investigar cuál es el principal obstáculo o peligro que debe enfrentar la democracia para que se pueda instituir realmente por parte de los ciudadanos, y para que no sea instrumentalizada por los intereses particulares de los gobernantes y políticos de turno. ; L'exposition des régimes politiques du Traité politique n'est pas aléatoire; Spinoza expose d'abord le moins commode, c'est-à-dire le monarchiste, puis le plus commode, l'aristocratie et enfin la démocratie, un régime qu'il conçoit comme le plus parfait. Ce critère d'exposition ne sert pas de critère pour étudier quelle est la valeur de la démocratie pour Spinoza, mais il nous permet d'étudier quel est le principal obstacle ou danger auquel la démocratie doit faire face pour qu'elle soit véritablement instituée par les citoyens, et pour qu'il n'est pas instrumentalisé par les intérêts particuliers des dirigeants et des politiciens de garde.

La historia de dos diferentes enlaces de oficiales militares sirve de ejemplo para comprender los requisitos necesarios para obtener la validez institucional de ese sacramento. Desde perspectivas humanas diferentes, uno de conveniencia y otro clandestino, ambos matrimonios reflejan a una clase privilegiada, y muestran como la autoridad de la Iglesia se encontraba subordinada a la jurisdicción del Ejército. ; The history of two different weddings of military officials serves of example to comprise the necessary requirements to obtain the validity of this sacrament. From different human perspectives, one of suitability and another secret, both marriages reflect to a privileged class, and they express like the authority of the Church was subordinated to the jurisdiction of the Army.

The history of two different weddings of military officials serves of example to comprise the necessary requirements to obtain the validity of this sacrament. From different human perspectives, one of suitability and another secret, both marriages reflect to a privileged class, and they express like the authority of the Church was subordinated to the jurisdiction of the Army. ; La historia de dos diferentes enlaces de oficiales militares sirve de ejemplo para comprender los requisitos necesarios para obtener la validez institucional de ese sacramento. Desde perspectivas humanas diferentes, uno de conveniencia y otro clandestino, ambos matrimonios reflejan a una clase privilegiada, y muestran como la autoridad de la Iglesia se encontraba subordinada a la jurisdicción del Ejército.

The study aims to place the political phenomenon of subversion and deception within the interpretative framework of the new international cognitive conflict. Complementary and yuxtaposed phenomena for a useful unitary treatment on the theme of cognitive intelligence. With this ambition, we will try to examine the multiple assessments and dogmatic speculations in order to redefine the great power of subversion within the conditioning and advantage strategies that states adopt. The analysis of Bolivia's institutional crisis allows us to systematically place the phenomenon in relation to regional and international crises in the logic of intelligence competition. ; El estudio pretende situar el fenómeno político de la subversión y del engaño en el marco interpretativo del nuevo conflicto cognitivo internacional, fenómenos complementarios y yuxtapuestos para una útil discusión unitaria sobre el tema de la inteligencia cognitiva. Con este propósito, intentaremos examinar las múltiples valoraciones y las especulaciones dogmáticas para redefinir el gran poder de la subversión dentro de las estrategias de condicionamiento y ventaja que los Estados adoptan. El análisis de la crisis institucional boliviana nos permite situar sistemáticamente el fenómeno en relación con las crisis regionales e internacionales en la lógica del concurso de inteligencia.

Although there appear to be no overt racial distinctions in Mexico, the existence of racism in Mexico is debated. Racism is portrayed as a maiden with which the country flirts. Racism lurks in occurrences of cultural conflict & territorial repossession. This is because mestizaje (crossing of the races) in the Mexican concept of identity has the existence of native peoples at its base. This Other may be ostracized with severe discrimination or rendered visible with the extreme advocacy of rights for native peoples & communities. Racism in Mexico will not disappear by decree. The deception that it does not exist must be returned into tolerance before civil disobedience results. Adapted from the source document.

This article discusses some of the concepts that have built in recent years the critical discourse of the transition ('agreement', 'reconciliation', 'impunity', 'elites operation') and it questions the narratives that conceived the period as imposture (Javier Cercas) or deception (Rafael Reig), compared to other stories that view it as conquest of the working class (Javier Perez Andújar), developing another concept of 'democracy' ; Este artículo analiza algunos de los conceptos que han construido en los últimos años el discurso crítico de la transición ('consenso', 'reconciliación', 'impunidad', 'operación de élites') y cuestiona las narrativas que conciben el periodo como impostura (Javier Cercas) o engaño (Rafael Reig), frente a otras que lo conciben como conquista de la clase obrera (Javier Pérez Andújar), desarrollando así otro concepto de 'democracia'