Suchergebnisse

The goal of the study is to analyze the non‑Western interpretations of sustainable development concept and the role of international organizations and international public goods in their potential realization. Numerous political and economic contradictions generated by the experiences of colonization and decolonization of the region make Western and regional understanding of the concept substantially different. While from the global perspective it is perceived as an imperative, locally it may be interpreted as a veiled form of neocolonialism. The differences result in wide range of problems, from minor misunderstandings to open resentment. The goal of the article is to prove that regional international organizations and international public goods have the potential to become a key to develop mutually acceptable form of sustainable development concept and practice.

The paper discusses the origins and course of the current crisis in Mali. The author outlines the reasons for the structural weakness of Mali, resulting from the shape of the borderline drawn at the time of decolonization, the confrontation between the Tuareg and the central government, the impact of the collapse of Gaddafi's dictatorship in Libya at the onset of a new stage in the confrontation, the role of Islamist groups in northern Mali, and the course of French intervention there. The case of Mali as an almost classic 'fallen state' is treated separately. ; W artykule omówiono genezę i przebieg bieżącego kryzysu politycznego w Mali. Autor nakreślił przyczyny strukturalnej słabości Mali wynikające z dokonanego w czasie dekolonizacji wytyczenia granic, przebieg konfrontacji między Tuaregami a rządem centralnym, wpływ upadku dyktatury Kadafiego w Libii na otwarcie nowej fazy konfrontacji, rolę ugrupowań islamistycznych na północy Mali oraz przebieg francuskiej interwencji w tym państwie. W sposób odrębny potraktowany został przypadek Mali jako klasycznego niemal "państwa upadłego".

Problem granic w Afryce nie wiąże się z nieprawdziwym faktem, iż są one "sztuczne" czy "młode" – jako że są w większości starsze niż granice państw europejskich – ale z tym, iż stanowiły dzieło Europejczyków i że nawet do tej pory nie został jeszcze zakończony proces ich delimitacji, a szczególnie demarkacji. O ich trwałości z kolei świadczy zaakceptowana zasada uti possidetis, podkreślana wielokrotnie w wyrokach Międzynarodowego Trybunału Sprawiedliwości i w rezolucjach ONZ. Inne natomiast traktowanie granic w Afryce może prowadzić do rewizjonizmu terytorialnego i konfliktów, a nawet wojen. ; The problem of borders in Africa is not related to the false fact that they are 'artificial' or 'young', for in their majority they are older than those of European countries, but to the fact that they were created by Europeans and even today the process of their delimitation, and especially demarcation, has not been completed. Their permanence is confirmed by the accepted principle uti possidetis, emphasised many times in the judgments of the International Court of Justice in Hague and resolutions of the United Nations. Treating borders differently in Africa can lead to territorial revisionism and conflicts, ending even in wars.

The problem of borders in Africa is not related to the false fact that they are 'artificial' or 'young', for in their majority they are older than those of European countries, but to the fact that they were created by Europeans and even today the process of their delimitation, and especially demarcation, has not been completed. Their permanence is confirmed by the accepted principle uti possidetis, emphasised many times in the judgments of the International Court of Justice in Hague and resolutions of the United Nations. Treating borders differently in Africa can lead to territorial revisionism and conflicts, ending even in wars. ; Problem granic w Afryce nie wiąże się z nieprawdziwym faktem, iż są one "sztuczne" czy "młode" – jako że są w większości starsze niż granice państw europejskich – ale z tym, iż stanowiły dzieło Europejczyków i że nawet do tej pory nie został jeszcze zakończony proces ich delimitacji, a szczególnie demarkacji. O ich trwałości z kolei świadczy zaakceptowana zasada uti possidetis, podkreślana wielokrotnie w wyrokach Międzynarodowego Trybunału Sprawiedliwości i w rezolucjach ONZ. Inne natomiast traktowanie granic w Afryce może prowadzić do rewizjonizmu terytorialnego i konfliktów, a nawet wojen.

The Treaty of Trianon (hereinafter Trianon), the enormous losses of territory and co-ethnics, and the shaking of Hungary's status as a dominant power in the Carpathian Basin imputed a tragic understanding of contemporary Hungarian history on the Hungarian society, invoking the idea of a trauma lasting even today. Trianon's understanding became a divisive issue for political parties after 1989, highlighting the ever-deeper divisions between right and left-liberals, since 2010. Its "overcoming" is a flagship project of the government's politics of identity, with modest success so far. Thus, the 100th anniversary was a crucial moment as a test case for a self-professed nationalist, traditionalist, conservative political force for manifesting a comprehensive politics of memory. In the light of the newly built monument at the heart of Budapest, with the Hungarian names of all localities on the territory of pre-1918 Hungary inscribed on its wall, a cautious shifting back to territorial revisionism was expected. In this article, I will argue that even with such tendencies being, obviously, present, the official commemorations were crafted with a surprising message, that attempts to turn the canonical understanding of Trianon upside down and reframe it into a common catastrophe of Central Europe. Doing so places the consequences in the context of the decolonization of history, the present decline of empires, and the emergence of nation-states while combining it with important tropes of the traditional, anti-liberal and revisionist Trianon discourse. Nevertheless, the result is a transparently political message that is not only driven by easily visible actual political goals (V4 and Central European), but one that detaches the politics of memory from historical references and legacies and creates a set of shallow symbols for utter instrumentalization, to recombine at will, in a vulgarised sense of post-modernism.

To sum up all the foregoing considerations, it can be stated that a limited degree of social identification, together with political elites, constitutes an indispensable element of the functioning of political systems and those democratic ones, as well. Unfortunately, Africa is still a place of alienation tendency, manifested by political elites, which constitutes a basis prone to social conflicts. However, Africa has to encounter difficulties resulting from long-term colonial oppression. The problem also concerns various religions, from Muslims, Christians to the faith in traditional tribal gods. All this is a consequence of historical past. In order to make the plans for its development work, Africa has to defeat its biggest enemies first – the problem of famine, constant conflicts and dozens of wasted opportunities to stabilize the continent. Africa is abundant with such natural resources that no other country has them. " In the moment of creation of the world God felt tired with the creation process, so he sat down and fell asleep. When he set off to continue his journey, he noticed that he had left a bag full of natural resources, which had been destined for other continents. That is why we have all the natural resources from the periodic table, such as: copper, uranium, cobalt, gold, diamonds, bauxite and oil," said Isidore Mavambu Matumona Charge d'Affaires of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. What is also paradoxical, is the fact that Africa is the poorest continent of all, with civil wars, genocide, famine, lack of water and spreading disease, such as AIDS and malaria, which are considered to be world's plagues. The solution to these problems lies in incorporating full stabilization in the continent. The interest in Africa is slightly smaller than directly after decolonization and the famous year 1960. The Fall of the Berlin Wall, changes in the countries of Middle East Europe in 1989 and the collapse of USSR directed the interest towards Europe. Africa appears in the public eye, only when it comes to events such as those in Sudanese Darfur, Ruanda or Somalia.