Suchergebnisse

How much should we pay to remove the interdependence of biased information sources? This question is relevant in both statistics and political economy. When there are many information sources or variables, their dependence may be unknown, which creates multivariate ambiguity. One approach to answer our leading question involves use of decoupling inequalities from probability theory. We present a new inequality, designed to cope with this question, which holds for any type of dependence across information sources. We apply our method to a simple formalization of a political echo chamber. For a given set of marginal information, this bound is the sup over all possible joint distributions connecting the marginals. Our method highlights a price to pay for facing summed dependent (multivariate) data, similar to the probability premium required for univariate data. We show that a conservative decisionmaker will pay approximately 50% more than if the data were independent, in order to freely neglect the correlations.

The declining gender wage gap (GWG) and the wage-productivity decoupling (WPD) are two emerging phenomena for the United States since the 1980s. This article proposes an extension to the usual decomposition method of the profit rate to account for both the GWG and the WPD on aggregate income distribution. It then uses this framework to study the US manufacturing sector from 1960 to 2017. It suggests that gender wage inequality was a source of profitability, especially before 1986, but which was slowly petered out. Since 2001, increases in the profit share have mostly been due to the WPD. These results highlight the relevance of gender-based inequality in the more traditional analysis of the profit rate dynamics. JEL Classification: B51, E11, E25, J16

Die seit Jahrzehnten geführte Diskussion über den Sinn von Begriffen wie Klasse und Klassengesellschaft ist völlig unzureichend, und zwar vor allem deshalb, weil sie zwischen diesen beiden Begriffen nicht deutlich genug unterscheidet. So schlägt der Autor vor, zwischen Klasse und Klassengesellschaft deutlicher zu differenzieren. Man wird sich rasch darauf einigen können, dass der Klassenbegriff, in welcher Definition auch immer, soziale Einheiten bezeichnet, die in der Gesellschaft vorkommen. Gesellschaft ist demgegenüber der Begriff für die umfassendste soziale Einheit. Also enthält die Gesellschaft nicht nur die Klassen, sondern auch alle anderen sozialen Einheiten: alle Interaktionen, alle Organisationen, alle sozialen Bewegungen usw. Mit dem Begriff einer Klassengesellschaft kann man vor diesem Hintergrund zwei verschiedene Bedeutungen verbinden: Entweder er wird eingesetzt, um das schlichte Faktum zu bezeichnen, dass es sich um eine Gesellschaft handelt, in der Klassen vorkommen und reproduziert werden - neben jenen anderen sozialen Einheiten, die ebenfalls vorkommen und ebenfalls reproduziert werden. Der Begriff ist dann aber theoretisch nicht sehr ergiebig. Jede anspruchsvollere Verwendung des Begriffs einer Klassengesellschaft muss sich auf das Verhältnis der Klassen zu jenen anderen sozialen Einheiten beziehen, die ebenfalls vorkommen und reproduziert werden. Und sie muss den Ehrgeiz haben, die Struktur dieser Einheiten auf das Klassenverhältnis selber zurückzuführen. Nicht die bloße Existenz sozialer Klassen sollte man also mit dem Begriff einer Klassengesellschaft belegen, sondern den Anspruch auf gesamtgesellschaftliche Zentralität der Klassenstruktur. Bei der Suche nach einer Theorie, die diesen starken Begriff tragen könnte, wird auf das Überbautheorem von K. Marx hingewiesen. In den Autonomieansprüchen der Funktionssysteme - ob nun Religion oder Staat oder Kunst - sieht Marx nur den Überbau einer Klassengesellschaft. Die weiteren Ausführungen zeigen auf, dass die postmarxistische Theorieentwicklung, was immer sie mit Hinblick auf Schichtung besagen mag, das Überbautheorem ruiniert hat. Seither befindet sich die Hypothese der Klassengesellschaft in einem Zustand theoretischer Obdachlosigkeit. Während man Marx in der Tat für die These zitieren kann, die moderne Gesellschaft sei eine Klassengesellschaft, würde dies schon bei M. Weber und erst recht bei P. Bourdieu nicht funktionieren. (ICG2)

Der Beitrag befasst sich mit drei Entwicklungsprozessen, die kennzeichnend sind für die derzeitigen Veränderungsprozesse der Weltwirtschaft, und deren Auswirkungen auf die Zukunft der Arbeit bzw. der Arbeitslosigkeit. Damit ist zum einen die Entwicklung gemeint, dass die ehemaligen Ostblockstaaten und China sich dem Weltmarkt geöffnet haben, und dort Millionen Arbeiter für geringe Löhne arbeiten. Zum zweiten ist damit der Einsatz neuer Technologien gemeint, der die Produktionsprozesse in immer kleinere Zwischenschritte aufspaltet und dazu führt, dass Arbeitnehmer sich mehr und mehr von den Endprodukten abkoppeln. Drittens ist damit die Bildung von Agglomerationsräumen gemeint mit einer möglichen regionalen Einkommensdivergenz. Der Autor argumentiert jedoch, dass Arbeitslosigkeit ein Resultat eines institutionellen Mismatchs ist und postuliert, dass die Zukunft der Arbeit davon abhängen wird, wie die Politik diesen Mismatch in den Griff bekommt. Daher werden die anfangs beschriebenen drei Phänomene und ihre Wirkung auf die Arbeitsmärkte genauer untersucht. Anhand der Ergebnisse werden anschließend an drei Grundprinzipien orientierte Handlungsempfehlungen vorgestellt, nach denen sich die Wirtschaftspolitik richten kann, um in einer globalisierten Welt Wachstum und Beschäftigung zu sichern. Die Schlussbetrachtungen betonen die Wichtigkeit von Strategien der Politik, die Flexibilität und Mobilität der Märkte zu stärken und nur dort einzugreifen, wenn aufgrund von Existenzproblemen der soziale Frieden gefährdet ist. (ICH)

We propose a new explanation for the decoupling of official and perceived inflation based on relative consumption concerns. In presence of high inequality, when the consumers' reference point of consumption is more distant to reach, a tight budget constraint is likely to be misperceived as a currency's loss of purchasing power. Using data from a set of 15 European countries in the period 1990-2008, we estimate the effect of inequality on inflation perception. Our research design exploits the exogenous variation in inequality induced by the reduction in social expenditure that accompanied the implementation of the convergence criteria set up by the Maastricht treaty, in the years preceding the Euro changeover. Our results confirm that an increase in inequality significantly affects the deviation of inflation perceptions from actual inflation.

AbstractThis study analyses the three‐way relationship between economic growth and the two aspects of income distribution, namely, functional income distribution (labour income share) and household income distribution (Gini coefficient). One contribution of such three‐way analysis is to reveal the 'decoupling' pattern of the growth‐equity nexus, namely decoupling between functional income distribution and household income distribution, as it finds that economic growth tends to increase labour income share but worsen household income inequality, and also to confirm the reverse relationship that that higher labour income shares and household income inequality lead to a higher rate of economic growth. We show that these findings co‐exist with the traditional belief in the literature about the directly reinforcing relationship between functional and household income distribution. These findings are consistent with skilled labour compensated by performance‐based higher wages, which is often associated with a skill‐biassed technological change. The study confirms the same three‐way relationship in both developed and developing countries, but with several different determinants and different trends in the key variables. Given this nuanced trade‐off between economic growth and household income equality, coupled with no such trade‐off between growth and labour income share, a sensible policy prescription may be a combination of growth‐enhancing policy of increasing pre‐tax labour income share and a separate redistribution policy to decrease disposable household income inequality, which can mitigate income inequality without harming economic growth.

The article discusses some approaches and specific ecological and economic indicators that, in the authors' opinion, have been used more than others in decision-making procedures, in public discourse, and in analysis in connection with the problems of spatial development, including scientific analysis. They are also used for comparative spatial analysis of socio-economic inequality. These include eco-intensity and decoupling coefficients, indicators of per capita environmental pressure and socio-ecological and economic well-being based on the expanded A. Sen's function calculated by region. It is also shown that the calculation of eco-intensity and decoupling without taking into account the accumulation of pollutants can cause a certain limitation of the potential of these indicators in the context of long-term consequences. The conclusion is justified that these tools for measuring socio-ecological inequality cannot be considered as interchangeable, and it is unlikely that «some are better than others». These indicators provide answers to various questions, and characterize the heterogeneity of socio-ecological conditions in the regions of Russia in different aspects. It seems more reasonable to use this tool as a whole, and apply its individual components depending on the specific tasks related to the spatial development of Russia

AbstractIn school choice systems, families choose among publicly funded schools, and schools compete for students and resources. Using neoinstitutionalist and relational inequality theories, our article reinterprets recent critical sociological and education research to show how such markets involve actors' enacting myths; these beliefs and their associated practices normalized white, privileged consumption as a basis for revamping public education as market exchanges between schools and families. Proponents argue that choice empowers individuals, focuses organizations on improving quality, and benefits society more broadly by reducing inequality and segregation. We argue that such school choice myths' excessive emphases on individual decision‐making and provider performance obscure the actual impacts of school choice systems upon people, organizations, and society. First, rather than enlarging alternatives that families can easily research, select, and (if needed) exit, school choice systems often simulate options, especially for disadvantaged populations. Second, rather than focusing schools' efforts on performance, innovation, and accountability, they can encourage organizational decoupling, homogeneity, and deception. Third, rather than reducing societal harms, they can deepen inequalities and alienation. Future research should examine both how markets are animated by bounded relationality—routines that enable them to form, maintain, and complete exchanges with organizations—and how activism can challenge marketization.

High levels of carbon emissions and rising income inequality are interconnected challenges for the global society. Commonly-applied linear regression models fail to unravel the complexity of potential bi-directional transmission channels. Specifically, consumption, energy sources and the political system are potential determinants of the strength and direction of the dependence between emissions and inequality. To capture their impact, this study investigates the conditional dependence between income inequality and emissions by applying distributional copula models on an unbalanced panel data set of 154 countries from 1960 to 2019. A comparison of high-, middle-, and low-income countries contradicts a linear relationship and sheds light on heterogeneous dependence structures implying synergies, trade-offs and decoupling between income inequality and carbon emissions. Based on the conditional distribution, we can identify determinants associated with higher/lower probabilities of a country falling in an area of potential social and environmental sustainability.

Intro -- Acknowledgements -- Table of Contents -- Figures -- Tables -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Theoretical Perspectives on Educational Careers and Institutions -- 2.1 The Life Course Perspective -- 2.2 The Five Principles of Life Course Research -- 2.3 Social Origin Resources -- 2.4 Educational Decisions -- 2.4.1 Boudon's Primary and Secondary Effects -- 2.4.2 The Integration of Boudon's Primary and Secondary Effects into a Rational Choice Model -- 2.5 The Educational Systems in East and West Germany -- 2.5.1 The West German Education System -- 2.5.2 The East German Education System from 1950 until 1990 -- 2.5.3 The East and West German Education Systems after German Unification in 1990 -- 2.5.4 The Permeability of the German Education System and the Decoupling of School Form and Educational Certificate -- 3 Research Design -- 3.1 Data and Sample -- 3.2 Dependent Variables -- 3.3 Methods of Analysis -- 3.4 Independent Variables -- 4 Expansion of the Transition to Upper Secondary School and Its Consequences for Inequality of Educational Opportunities in East and West Germany -- 4.1 Educational Expansion in East and West Germany -- 4.2 Recent Research on Educational Inequality at the Transition to the Academic Track -- 4.3 Theories and Hypotheses -- 4.3.1 The Family as the Unit of Social Origin and Mother's Education -- 4.3.2 Conceptualizing and Measuring Social Origin -- 4.3.3 Hypotheses on the Effects of Parental Education -- 4.3.4 Hypotheses on the Effects of Parental Class -- 4.3.5 Hypotheses on the Effects of Parental Status -- 4.3.6 Hypotheses on the Effects of Gender in the FRG and GDR -- 4.4 Results -- 4.4.1 Description of Changes in the Transition Probabilities to the Academic Track -- 4.4.2 The Impact of Different Dimensions of Social Origin on the Transition Rate to the Academic Track in West and East Germany -- 4.4.2.1 Parental Education.