Suchergebnisse

Igor Gouzenko's defection might have been the first—and most famous—of the Cold War in Canada, but it was hardly the last. Recently opened after Access to Information Act requests made by the Canadian Foreign Intelligence History Project, a number of records cast brighter light on this aspect of Canada's intelligence history. This article offers an overview of how the Government of Canada established its policy to manage defection and those who defected. It offers a number of possible leads for future research projects, some, but not all, of which, will require the release of further material, whether under the Access to Information Act or a broader declassification framework from the Government of Canada.

Defections from the People's Republic of China (PRC) were an important part of the narrative of the Republic of China (ROC) in Taiwan during the Cold War, but their stories have previously barely been told, less still examined, in English. During the 1960s, 70s and 80s, the ROC government paid much special attention to these anti-communist heroes (fangong yishi). Their choices to leave behind the turmoil of the PRC were a propaganda coup for the Nationalist one-party state in Taiwan, proving the superiority of the "Free China" that they had created there. Morris looks at the stories behind these headlines, what the defectors understood about the ROC before they arrived, and how they dealt with the reality of their post-defection lives in Taiwan. He also looks at how these dramatic individual histories of migration were understood to prove essential differences between the two regimes, while at the same time showing important continuities between the two Chinese states. A valuable resource for students and scholars of 20th century China and Taiwan, and of the Cold War and its impact in Asia.

AbstractThe purpose of this study is to examine various factors associated with employment hope among 702 North Korean defectors who newly entered the Settlement Support Center in South Korea. These defectors typical cross the border into China whose government does not grant them refugee status, considering them irregular economic migrants. Employment hope is a significant issue of concern as it has consistently been found to contribute to economic success for low‐income jobseekers in both South Korea and the United States. Four factors of the Employment Hope Scale (EHS) – psychological empowerment, futuristic self‐motivation, utilisation of skills and resources, and goal orientation – were used as dimensions of employment hope. Using a multivariate regression analysis, the results indicate that age, education, repatriation and time spent as irregular migrant significantly contributed to employment hope. We conclude that personal and escape‐related factors be considered contextually and deliberately in job training programs for newly arriving North Korean defectors.

Using data from the 1980-1992 National Election Studies, this paper compares the policy & partisan views of three Sets of voters: (1) "loyal" Democrats who voted for their party's presidential candidates; (2) "defecting" Democrats who voted for Ronald Reagan or George Bush; (3) loyal Republicans. During the 1980s, the defectors were commonly labeled "Reagan Democrats," & the conventional wisdom at the time was that Reagan Democrats were disenchanted with the liberal tilt of the "national" Democratic Party, especially on issues related to race & redistribution. The analysis shows that defecting Democrats were indeed strikingly conservative on racial policy questions, & in some cases were statistically indistinguishable from Republicans. At the same time, Reagan Democrats expressed preferences on "safety net" issues like Social Security that put them squarely within the Democratic Party mainstream. In response to open-ended questions asking what they liked or disliked about the two major parties, Reagan Democrats offered generally favorable appraisals of their party. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

Abstract
Background
To gain insights into the socio-economic and political determinants of ill health and access to healthcare in North Korea.

Methods
A retrospective survey using respondent-driven sampling conducted in 2014–15 among 383 North Korean refugees newly resettling in South Korea, asking about experiences of illness and utilization of healthcare while in North Korea, analyzed according to measures of political, economic and human rights indicators.

Results
Although the Public Health Act claims that North Korea provides the comprehensive free care system, respondents reported high levels of unmet need and, among those obtaining care, widespread informal expenditure. Of the respondents, 55.1% (95%CI, 47.7–63.7%) had received healthcare for the most recent illness episode. High informal costs (53.8%, 95%CI, 45.1–60.8%) and a lack of medicines (39.5%, 95%CI, 33.3–47.1%) were reported as major healthcare barriers resulting in extensive self-medication with narcotic analgesics (53.7%, 95%CI, 45.7–61.2%). In multivariate logistic regressions, party membership was associated with better access to healthcare (Adjusted OR (AOR) = 2.34, 95%CI, 1.31–4.18), but household income (AOR = 0.40, 95%CI 0.21–0.78) and informal market activity (AOR = 0.29, 95%CIs 0.15–0.50) with reduced access. Respondents who could not enjoy political and economic rights were substantially more likely to report illness and extremely reduced access to care, even with life-threatening conditions.

Conclusions
There are large disparities in health and access to healthcare in North Korea, associated with political and economic inequalities. The scope to use these findings to bring about change is limited but they can inform international agencies and humanitarian organizations working in this unique setting.

BACKGROUND: To gain insights into the socio-economic and political determinants of ill health and access to healthcare in North Korea. METHODS: A retrospective survey using respondent-driven sampling conducted in 2014–15 among 383 North Korean refugees newly resettling in South Korea, asking about experiences of illness and utilization of healthcare while in North Korea, analyzed according to measures of political, economic and human rights indicators. RESULTS: Although the Public Health Act claims that North Korea provides the comprehensive free care system, respondents reported high levels of unmet need and, among those obtaining care, widespread informal expenditure. Of the respondents, 55.1% (95%CI, 47.7–63.7%) had received healthcare for the most recent illness episode. High informal costs (53.8%, 95%CI, 45.1–60.8%) and a lack of medicines (39.5%, 95%CI, 33.3–47.1%) were reported as major healthcare barriers resulting in extensive self-medication with narcotic analgesics (53.7%, 95%CI, 45.7–61.2%). In multivariate logistic regressions, party membership was associated with better access to healthcare (Adjusted OR (AOR) = 2.34, 95%CI, 1.31–4.18), but household income (AOR = 0.40, 95%CI 0.21–0.78) and informal market activity (AOR = 0.29, 95%CIs 0.15–0.50) with reduced access. Respondents who could not enjoy political and economic rights were substantially more likely to report illness and extremely reduced access to care, even with life-threatening conditions. CONCLUSIONS: There are large disparities in health and access to healthcare in North Korea, associated with political and economic inequalities. The scope to use these findings to bring about change is limited but they can inform international agencies and humanitarian organizations working in this unique setting.