This article looks at some of the problems associated with the possibility of having a space available for political communication & deliberation in contemporary democracies. In order to do so, two contrasting models are analyzed, that of J. Habermas & that of N. Luhmann. This contrast allows us to observe the wide differences that exist between theories of normative action & systemic theories. On this basis, the analysis centres on the distortions in the public space of deliberation caused mainly by the increasing role of the media in their role as intermediaries throughout the political process. References. Adapted from the source document.
This article aims to show how former Peruvian president Fujimori progressed, from a democratic victory in 1990, amid great publicity, to progressive authoritarian control featured by an increase of secrecy. This "authoritarian transition" is apparent in his annual Independence Day speeches. In those 11 speeches, we can find marks of his policies: consolidation of his image as savior of the nation by popular decree; increase of executive power without political or judicial balance; & polarization of political identities, supposedly creating a direct link between the majorities of Peru & the president. A systematic analysis reveals how Fujimori used political discourse to legitimate his power without political deliberation. 27 References. Adapted from the source document.
Interviews political philosopher David Gauthier on the concept of moral contractualism & its role in contemporary liberal political theory. Gauthier draws on the Rawlsian connection between moral sense & reasonability to explain how an individual's political position is shaped by emotion, deliberation, & a universal rationality. He differentiates between his idea of moral contractualism & utilitarianism, contending that the former has a distributive component that focuses more on individual rights & inclusion. He addresses the weaknesses of fundamentalism in regard to the individual's moral contract with society, contrasting it to how liberal politics allow for a more comprehensive, flexible, & evolving agreement between diverse groups & actors. Gauthier concludes by discussing the fragmentary & eroding effect of nationalism, citing Quebec & Northern Ireland as examples of how nationalism interrupts moral contractualism. D. Bajo
RESUMEN: Desde las arenas desde nuestro contexto socio-cultural y político-complejo, conflictivo y turbulento- nos estamos haciendo la pregunta por las experiencias de ciudadanía que se construyen desde las fronteras, desde los espacios de los derechos conculcados e infringidos, pero también desde los procesos de deliberación publica y participación ciudadana, pues en todos ellos se ponen en escena las luchas por el reconocimiento. Estas formar diversas del ejercicio ciudadano tienen que ver con una gramática moral de la política. ; ABSTRACT: From our social, cultural and political context-a complex-, conflictive and turbulent one- we are searching for citizenships experiences built no only from frontiers, from spaces of trampled and infringed rights, but alson from the public deliberation and citizen participation processes, since, in all of them struggles for recognition are staged. These different forms of citizen exercise have to do with a moral grammar of politics.
Usually the question of "reasons of state" is considered to be a thing of the past, something that belongs to historians & not political scientists. From the point of view of political theory, it is considered to be normatively dead: the reasons of state are always illegitimate & our democratic systems have set up institutional mechanisms designed to ensure their disappearance. This article seeks to question these ideas, & in order to do so, it starts by defining what we might mean by reasons of state, before going on to describe briefly how the Enlightenment sought to overcome them through the subordination of politics to law. Finally, through an analysis of the concept of procedural justice & of the Rawlsian overlapping consensus, it criticizes the "juridification' of political theory, opposing the hegemony of the judiciary over the other powers, & provides the case for a theoretical & practical space informed by judgment, reflexivity & deliberation. Adapted from the source document.
In this paper we shall center in one of the questions that takes up the first plan of the nowadays theoretical reflexion: the problem of democracy as the political form of the public use of reason. We shall take it from the paradigm that presents J. Rawls in his last works with a view specially to the function and limits that Rawls asigns to «public Reason» and «public Deliberation». The analysis of these concepts seems to me hugely illuminating for the contemporary democratic theory. In the first place I have analysed the relation between democracy and political conception of justice, and afterwards between public reason and the limits of public deliberation. I conclude that the displayed conception of public reason mainly aspires to mark the boundaries of a space that cannot be subjected to interests, either strategical or even deliberative, because it is secured by a political conception of justice which is acepted by everyone. A conception that tries to overcome the conflict between different forms of life through the ideal of justice and human rights. ; En el presente trabajo me centro, principalmente, en una de las cuestiones que ocupan, a mi modo de ver, el primer plano de la reflexión teórica actual: el problema de la democracia como forma política del uso público de la razón por parte de todos, estudiándolo desde el paradigma que nos ofrece John Rawls en sus últimas obras. Sobre todo en el papel y límite que Rawls asigna a la «Razón pública» y la «Deliberación pública», cuyo análisis me parece enormemente sugerente e iluminador para la Teoría democrática contemporánea. He analizado, en primer lugar, la relación entre democracia y concepción política de justicia, y en segundo, la razón pública y los límites de la deliberación pública. Concluyendo que la concepción presentada de la razón pública está comprometida, sobre todo, con delimitar un espacio que no puede estar sometido a intereses, ya sean estratégicos o incluso deliberativos, porque está garantizado por la concepción política de justicia, aceptada por todos. Una concepción que intenta superar el conflicto entre formas de vida diferentes a través del ideal de justicia y los derechos.
Pérez, G. J., Armelino, M., Rossi, F. M. (2003). ¿Autogobierno o representación?: la experiencia de las asambleas en la Argentina. Revista de Ciencias Sociales 14, 175-205. Bernal, Argentina : Universidad Nacional del Quilmes. ; Este trabajo se propone indagar sobre las posibles reconfiguraciones en las relaciones entre participación, deliberación, representación y decisión que sustentan un tipo de práctica política, y que tuvieron lugar en Buenos Aires y otras ciudades de la República Argentina luego de los acontecimientos del 19 y 20 de diciembre de 2001. Ello se realiza sobre la evolución de un actor surgido de dicha crisis: las asambleas. La complejidad del proceso impide presuponer ciertos rasgos comunes a todas las asambleas surgidas. Por ello, este trabajo describe ciertos rasgos típicos de modelos de asambleas, tomando dos tipos de asambleas surgidas en Buenos Aires de esa crisis: las autodenominadas populares (Asamblea Popular Cid Campeador), por un lado, y vecinales (Asamblea Vecinal de Palermo Viejo) por el otro. A partir de una extensa indagación empírica se establecen una serie de variables para la descripción, contrastación y comparación de los rasgos típicos de estas dos asambleas: la relación con el territorio, los tipos de demandas, los criterios de autorización de la palabra en el proceso deliberativo, la definición del adversario con relación al cual se define el propio colectivo y los modelos organizativos que cada asamblea establece para la toma de decisiones. Luego se analiza el tipo de relación que cada asamblea estableció ante las cuatro características propuestas para definir una práctica política: participación, deliberación, representación y decisión. El tipo de relación específica que cada una de estas asambleas estudiadas ha establecido con los cuatro aspectos de la práctica política ha definido también la identidad de cada colectivo político y el modo en que cada uno ha articulado sus relaciones con el sistema político formal. ; This work sets out to investigate on the posible reconfigurations in the relationship between participation, deliberation, representation and decision that sustain a type of political action, and which took place in Buenos Aires and others cities of the Argentine Republic after the events of December 19 and 20th of 2001. It is made on the evolution of an actor arisen from this crisis: the assemblies. The complexity of the process prevents to estímate certain common characteristics to all the arisen assemblies. For that reason, this work describes to certain typical characteristics of models of assemblies taking two types from assemblies arisen in Buenos Aires of that crisis: self-appointed popular, on the one hand, and the local ones (Popular Assembly Cid Campeador), in one way, and (Local Assembly of Palermo Viejo) by the other. From an extensive empirical investigation a series of variables for the description settles down, contrast and comparison of the typical characteristics of these two assemblies: the relationship with the territory, the types of demands, the criteria of authorization of the word in the deliberative process, the definition of the adversary with relation to which one defines the own group and the organizational models that each assembly establishes for the decision making. Soon the type of relationship that each assembly established with the four characteristics proposes to define a political action: participation, deliberation, representation and decision. The type of specific relationship that each one of these studied assemblies has established with the four aspects of the political action has also defined the identity of each political group and the way in which each one has articulated its relationships with the formal political system.
The aim of the paper is to position its commentaries upon the document that marks the outcome of the deliberations of the Select Committee on Town and Country Planning within a critical overview of the ins and outs of this activity when it is governed by regulations though, when doing so, to in no wise renounce taking a stance in favour of such who still hold there is a call for this on the part of an administration for all that the neo-liberals might argue against doing so. Special attention is here given to an examining of the planning question of value assessment in cases of compulsory purchase so that the relation between the recommendations that were made by the Committee along with what can be expected from these and the general drift of the various attempts at legislation as to this particular from 1954 onwards in Spain to answer this nettled question though with little success might be understood. ; El articulo pretende situar los comentarios sobre el documento que recoge las Recomendaciones de la Comisión de Expertos sobre Urbanismo en una perspectiva critica sobre los avatares del urbanismo normativo, sin por ello dejar de tomar partido por quienes aún defienden la necesidad de éste, frente a la ofensiva neoliberal. Con particular detenimiento se examina la cuestión de las valoraciones urbanísticas en los supuestos de expropiación, tratando de poner en relación las Recomendaciones y lo que al respecto aportan, con los rasgos de los diferentes intentos legislativos que desde 1954 se han sucedido en España para resolver esa complicada cuestión, con escaso éxito a juicio del autor de este articulo.
Events since 1979 have softened the tone of Brazilian-Argentine relations and have developed a level of mutual trust, as well as institutional mechanisms to foster greater cooperation. We argue that enough progress has been made to be able to make an assessment of the dynamics of the current political, economic and security relationship and anticipate the opportunities, constraints and problems that lie ahead. Even with the risks involved in predicting during a situation of such fluidity; it is possible and useful to map out the trends and factors that are likely to emerge and influence the quality and direction that the relationship will take in the remainder of this decade. To focus the deliberation of the range of probabilities to some extent, the time frame is divided into short term (1985-86) and medium term (1987-1989), as continuity and discontinuity factors are evaluated in each period. ; Los acontecimientos acaecidos desde 1979 han suavizado el tono de las relaciones brasileño-argentinas y han desarrollado un nivel de mutua confianza, así como mecanismos institucionales para fomentar una mayor cooperación. Sostenemos que se ha avanzado lo suficiente como para poder hacer una evaluación de la dinámica de la relación actual de política, economía y seguridad y anticipar qué oportunidades, limitaciones y problemas yacen más adelante. Aún con los riesgos implícitos en predecir durante una situación de tal fluidez; es posible y útil hacer un esquema de las tendencias y factores que probablemente aflorarán e influirán en la calidad y dirección que tomará la relación en lo que queda de esta década. Para enfocar hasta cierto punto la deliberación del rango de las probabilidades, el marco de tiempo se divide en corto plazo (1985-86) y mediano plazo (1987-1989), y se evalúan los factores de continuidad y discontinuidad en cada período.
I consider two ethnographic projects examplary in the treatment of violence that point the way towards the reconstruction of ethnography. Karen Wenzel has written a document on strategies of resistance of a battered woman. Sholom Ansky documented the progrms against the shtetl Jews in the Russian Pale. I take from their work methodological guidelines that imply a careful deliberation on how to place oneself, one's language, one's description of violence, sense of audience, evolving sense of self, amidst horrendous violence: – The subaltern voice and the subaltern vantage point has special weight in naming and describing violence. – The political uses of the description of violence come to be an important criteria in developing the analysis. – The researchers see an important relation between the researcher and her subject, a relation that forms quite explicitly part of the context of the production of knowledge. Ansky and Wenzel elaborate an ethnographic praxis. I focus on how they come to occupy that inbetween position beyond the confines of disciplinary knowledge production to the standpoint of the subject of oppression. I conclude with my own application of the methdological framework in doing research in collaboration with convicted felons to stem the growth of prisons as a form of institutionalized violence int he U.S. ; Hay dos trabajos que considero ejemplares en el tratamiento de la violencia, que dan muestra de una manera de reconstrucción etnográfica. Karen Wenzel ha escrito un trabajo sobre las estrategias de resistencia de una mujer golpeada. Sholom Ansky documentó las matanzas de los pueblos judíos en la Galicia rusa. Tomé de sus trabajos aquellas líneas metodológicas que dan cuenta deuna cuidadosa deliberación sobre el lugar desde el que uno se para, el lenguaje que uno usa, la descripción de violencia que uno tiene, el sentido de audiencia, y la transformación del ser, en un contexto de violencia. – La voz subalterna y el punto de vista subalterno son básicos para nombrar y describir la violencia. – Los usos políticos de la descripción de la violencia se han convertido en un criterio fundamental para el desarrollo del análisis. Los investigadores ven una relación crucial entre el investigador y su sujeto de estudio, relación que explícitamente forma parte del contexto de producción de conocimiento. Ansky y Wenzel elaboran una praxis etnográfica. Me intereso en cómo ellos terminan ocupando esa posición intermedia, más allá de los límites disciplinarios de la producción de conocimiento haciael punto de vista del sujeto oprimido. Finalmente, presento mi propia aplicación de este marco metodológico, con una investigación hecha en colaboración con un grupo de jóvenes delincuentes, para trabajar en contra del crecimiento de las prisiones como una forma de institucionalización de la violencia en los Estados Unidos.
