Suchergebnisse

Post-Fordism marks a transition from a society of labour (single tenured job) to a society of tasks (multiple—and, eventually, casual—jobs). Beforehand, blue collars represented the Fordist production system; nowadays, casual workers are the paradigm of a new organizational logic. Accordingly, vocational training is not any more the mere induction in order to fill new vacancies; rather, it has shifted towards life-long learning. Such process poses a question to the trade union, which is required to represent a liquidsociety. Traditional union training does not supply union officers with competences that enable them to cope with the previously unheard complexity emerging from globalization. Sen's and Nussbaum's capability approach may help unions to face nowadays' challenges, thus making the subject an end rather than the econometric means of neo-liberal economy—so thatthe meritocracy of the winners is replaced by democracy for all. ; Il postfordismo segna la transizione dalla società del lavoro (un unico mestiere a tempo indeterminato) alla società dei lavori (più mestieri, spesso a scadenza). Se prima l'operaio metalmeccanico rappresentava il modo di produzione fordista, oggi il precario simboleggia la nuova logica organizzativa.La formazione professionale, specularmente, slitta dal training to work al life-long learning. Questo processo interpella il sindacato, chiamato a rappresentare una società oramai liquida. La tradizionale formazione sindacale alle competenze non sembra poter preparare il funzionario alla complessità inedita della globalizzazione. Il capability approach proposto da Sen e Nussbaum potrebbe aiutare il sindacato ad affrontare la nuova sfidadei tempi ricollocando il soggetto come fine e non come mezzo econometrico del neoliberismo, rispondendo alla meritocrazia dei vincitori con la democrazia di tutti.

open ; deliberative democracy participatory democracy citizens deliberative arenas ; Partendo dei presupposti teorici della democrazia deliberativa e la "promessa" di trasformazione del cittadino in cittadino "ideale" per via della deliberazione pubblica questo studio affronta tale problema empiricamente. In particolare, cercando di analizzare se i cittadini, partecipando alla deliberazione si trasformano in cittadini non solo più informati ma anche capaci di riconoscere ed accettare come legittime la pluralità di visioni esistenti nella società, cioè i cittadini caratterizzati da enlarged mentality, si esamina un caso di studio specifico rappresentato da Deliberative Polling svolto a Torino nel marzo 2007. I dati utilizzati in questa ricerca provengono dai questionari sottoposti ad un campione rappresentativo della popolazione di Torino che ha partecipato al Deliberative Polling. All'inizio e alla fine del trattamento sperimentale tutti i partecipanti hanno compilato il questionario identico, sui due temi oggetto dell'esperimento che riguardavano la realizzazione del collegamento ferroviario Torino-Lione e il riconoscimento del diritto di voto nelle elezioni locali per i cittadini non europei. ; Sistemi Sociali, Organizzazione e Analisi delle Politiche Pubbliche ; democrazia deliberativa partecipazione dei cittadini ; open

After defining deliberation as a form of public discussion central to the functioning of deliberative democracy, E. Noelle-Neumann's (1984) theory of the spiral of silence is outlined & applied in modeling deliberation processes. A formal model of public deliberation is elaborated & tested on two hypothetical groups defending & advancing arguments in support of their political/ideological viewpoint. Statistical formulas for computing the probabilistic distribution of motivations to speak out are developed, & monological & pluralistic equilibriums are described as stable & unstable, respectively; the motivational transformations necessary to produce a stable pluralistic equilibrium are considered & several such outcomes are modeled. The theoretical & applicational aspects of the model proposed are discussed, outlining three strategies, & their underlying procedural rules, leading to a stable equilibrium in a multilateral exchange of views & arguments during deliberation. Figures, References. Z. Dubiel

The frontiers reached by gene editing and their applications for animals, plants and humans raise numerous tricky issues, posing new and renewed challenges for constitutional law scholars. This paper focuses on the role that the public can play in decision-making processes aimed at regulating gene-editing technologies. Thus, it reflects on the opportunity to develop and enhance deliberative arenas, which guarantee a fuller participation of citizens in legislative choices that touch upon controversial scientific issues of general interest, in compliance with the principles of deliberative democracy

The article discusses recent challenges and opportunities for democracy. Stressing that the scientific discourse on this topic has to critically consider the various meanings of the concept of democracy, some main narratives on the status of democracy are reviewed, looking at the elements of crisis of representative democracies, but also at the growing importance of democratic qualities promoted in participatory and deliberative conceptions of democracy. Original empirical research on conceptions and practices of democracy in social movements as pre-figurative arenas provides illustrations of the tensions and potentials within the, variously understood, conceptions of democracy. Moreover, some explanations of the different conceptions of democracy are discussed. The author concludes that, if the historical evolution of democracy privileged some specific qualities (related in particular to electoral accountability), the recent difficulties of representative institutions require a reflection on different qualities that, as participation and deliberation, are acquiring new relevance. Adapted from the source document.

International audience ; Electronic democracy represents a new communication space consisting of a set of tools and tecnological models aimed at increasing citizens participation in the decision making moments of public action. It supports participation in more properly political democratic processes and thedetermination of public choices.

Il presente lavoro intende indagare i profili di giuridicità del diritto di resistenza come un "diritto giuridico" e una pratica costituzionale giustificabile sul terreno normativo. L'ambito della ricerca è circoscritto agli ordinamenti costituzional-democratici. L'obiettivo finale è mostrare che alcuni casi di "resistenza" dovrebbero essere protetti dalla costituzione ed esentati parzialmente o totalmente dalla punizione prevista per la trasgressione della norma giuridica resistita. È questo il caso di "resistenza costituzionale" e "disobbedienza civile". Tuttavia, le definizioni di questo tipo di atteggiamenti nei confronti del diritto rimangono generalmente vaghe anche nella letteratura specializzata. Infatti, i confini concettuali tra disobbedienza civile, diritto di resistenza in senso stretto, obiezione di coscienza o rivoluzione sono nella maggior parte dei casi sfumati o sottodeterminati. Per questa ragione, la prima parte del lavoro tende a raccogliere questa sfida usando gli strumenti della filosofia analitica per raggiungere appropriate definizioni delle categorie concettuali menzionate. Nella seconda parte, una speciale attenzione è dedicata a mettere in luce le relazioni esistenti tra il diritto di resistenza ed alcuni concetti fondamentali del discorso costituzionale, come contrattualismo, costituzionalismo e democrazia. In questo campo, la ricerca tende a sostenere che il diritto di resistenza può essere considerato come l'ultima risorsa per difendere la Costituzione stessa o il rispetto di un singolo diritto fondamentale. Inoltre, il diritto di resistenza sembra essere abbastanza coerente con i valori fondamentali dello stato costituzional-democratico da offrire il fondamento per una giustificazione etico-politica delle forme di disobbedienza considerate. Infine, la terza parte del presente lavoro prende in considerazione il caso particolare della Costituzione italiana, al fine di discutere la giustificazione giuridica del diritto di resistenza. In questo quadro, l'analisi si focalizza su due differenti questioni: da un lato, il riconoscimento del diritto di resistenza nel (e oltre il) testo della Costituzione; dall'altro, la possibilità di garantire, per via giurisdizionale, una certa protezione alle ragioni di chi resiste. ; This work aims at investigating how law can consider the exercise of the right of resistance, as a 'legal right' and a constitutional practice, justifiable on normative ground. The field of investigation is limited by the reference to the specific case of a democratic and constitutional State. The ultimate goal is to show that some cases of "resistance" should be protected by the constitution and partially or totally exempted from punishment. This would be the case of 'constitutional resistance' and 'civil disobedience'. However, such kind of attitude are traditionally not well defined. In fact, conceptual borders among civil disobedience, right of resistance in strict sense, conscientious objection or revolution are generally faded or underestimated. For this reason, the first part of the present work tend to address this challenge by using analytical philosophy tools to reach proper definition of such conceptual categories. In the second part, particular care is dedicated to clarify the relationship between the right of resistance and some central ideas in the constitutional discourse, such as social contract, constitutionalism and democracy. On this field, the research tends to argue that the right of resistance can be considered as a "last resort" to defend the constitution itself or a single fundamental right. Furthermore, right of resistance seems fairly consistent with most fundamental values of the constitutional and democratic states to argue for a political and ethical justification of such kind of disobedience. Lastly, the third part of the present thesis takes into account the particular case of Italian Constitution in order to discuss right of resistance's juridical justification. In this framework, the analysis is focused on two different problem. On one hand, it addresses the question of the right of resistance's recognition in (and beyond) the text of the Italian Constitution. On the other hand, it tends to evaluate possibilities to legally guarantee protection to the resistants' reasons by jurisdiction.

This article proposes a methodological reflection on the cultural symbolic dimension of local development processes, according to the development of more effective ways of planning and implementing them, according to sustainable lines of development both from an environmental and socioeconomic point of view, oriented according to a logic of continuous improvement. The reflection develops around three operational phases in which local development paths can be articulated, identifying for each of them specific objectives and strategies to guide the processes of shared representation of the territories and the possible paths of interaction between different local systems: 1) establishment and development of the network of local actors that can be involved in the process, 2) sharing of knowledge on the potential of the local system and definition of possible development paths, 3) sharing of knowledge on local systems with which to interact and definition of interaction strategies.

This article proposes a methodological reflection on the cultural symbolic dimension of local development processes, according to the development of more effective ways of planning and implementing them, according to sustainable lines of development both from an environmental and socioeconomic point of view, oriented according to a logic of continuous improvement. The reflection develops around three operational phases in which local development paths can be articulated, identifying for each of them specific objectives and strategies to guide the processes of shared representation of the territories and the possible paths of interaction between different local systems: 1) establishment and development of the network of local actors that can be involved in the process, 2) sharing of knowledge on the potential of the local system and definition of possible development paths, 3) sharing of knowledge on local systems with which to interact and definition of interaction strategies.

The number of conflicts between citizens and institutions is increasing, especially concerning the choices that are to be made in terms of infrastructure. The article aims at highlighting the link between the dynamics of conflict and those of participation, stressing how the lack of public information and the absence of participation and inclusion in the decision-making process are the main causes of the opposition put in place by the so-called NIMBY phenomenon. Furthermore, the definitions of the concept of participatory democracy and, above all, deliberative democracy, are developed, focusing on some of the most important theoretical references, and analyzing two particularly relevant instances in relation to deliberative processes within the Italian territory: that of the municipality of Ponte Buggianese (PT), which, making use of the regional law's effects on participation (l.r. Toscana n . 69/2007), has developed a decision-making process regarding the development of the Padule di Fucecchio, and that of Ponente di Genova's Gronda Autostradale

Deliberative democracy (DD), to date, represents perhaps the chief defying paradigm with which representative democracy is bound to deal with. In this paper we try to en-compass the outstandingly heterogeneous and multivocal debate from which this new democratic concept stemmed. The core idea, both normative and procedural, of DD, is brought out, starting from the Habermasian foundations up to the most recent and pragmatic variants. The DD, as it turns out, is affected with substantial aporias in its theoretical corpus, and with paradoxes in its practical implementation. Nonetheless, the deliberative-participative rhetoric and policies are seeing a noticeable success which, we argue, can be traced back to the fact that the DD represents a useful answer to clear-cut needs of the contemporary society: filling the gap between the citizens and their government, by building consensus, on one hand, and providing new tools to deal with the uncertainty and the complexity which undoubtedly characterize the management of the res publica, on the other hand.

To explain the institutional developments of the EC/EU, the traditional theories of European integration used to build their arguments around two opposite and well-known models of public authority, the International Organisation one vs. the State one: But both of these yardsticks have proven to be of limited heuristic power, faced with the peculiarity of the EC/EU institutional configuration. The deadlock that classic theories run into, then, was just bypassed by the following studies, that left behind the "ontological question" to focus on middle-range fields or specific dynamics, driven by the idea that the system had a unique nature, but the way it worked could be known and named. Thus, the post-ontological studies often referred to the European institutional level as a "governance system", to indicate that the EC/EU is able to allocate values by shaping trans-boundary policy processes, but through an institutional interplay hardly referable to some conventional political model. Thus, this paper aims (1) to analyse the different contents attached to the "governance" label in European studies since the fixing Hix made when talking of a "new governance agenda" in 1998, (2) to recast the ontological question in the light of the "new governance", a theoretical framework linking Rosenau's concept of self-sustaining trans-boundary "Spheres of Authority" to policy cycles now decoupled from the nation-state jurisdictions, and (3) to define and apply this framework to the institutional development of the EC/EU, to identify the reasons beneath the common project actual stalemate.

L'esame della ragione pratico-comunicativa, declinata dalla teoria del discorso di Jürgen Habermas, e le dinamiche della sfera pubblica, quale periferia e facilitatore del sistema politico, concorrono a delineare un fertile terreno di riflessione sulle criticità e sulle prospettive della democrazia deliberativa, posta in tensione dall'emergenza sanitaria da Covid-19. Da tale prospettiva, se nel modello habermasiano della democrazia deliberativa, le libertà individuali si accompagnano alla partecipazione politica dei cittadini ai processi di formazione della volontà comune, facendo emergere la solidarietà civile come esito di un autentico consenso discorsivo, nella società complessa sembra, per lo più, affermarsi un linguaggio strumentale e mediatico – implementato e potenziato dall'attuale indispensabilità dell'adozione di modalità di comunicazione a distanza - tale da ridurre la politica ad esibizione personalistica e le garanzie giuridiche a vuota forma, con una sostanziale perdita di efficacia delle tradizionali istituzioni della rappresentanza democratica. Nella pandemia, diritti e libertà vengono, inoltre, temporaneamente limitati dal rafforzamento dei necessari interventi coercitivi dei pubblici poteri, tramite i quali lo Stato richiede "un'insolita cooperazione" ai cittadini sottoposti a restrizioni, anche a discapito di fondamentali libertà soggettive. In tale condizione di incertezza, che evidenzia e alimenta un'imprescindibile dipendenza della governance dalle competenze degli esperti, è, tuttavia, da rilevare come la dimensione deliberativa, propria del sistema democratico, non venga sospesa dall'eccezionalità della situazione sanitaria: il pluralismo ed disaccordo sociale permangono, infatti, come irrinunciabili principi ed esigenze della ragione normativa, pur essendo subordinata la loro espressione al prioritario obiettivo della risoluzione dell'emergenza sanitaria. Qualora si tratti, poi, di individuare potenziali criteri di guida nell'arduo bilanciamento tra i diritti e i doveri di cittadini e ...