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Since 1989, international efforts to end protracted conflicts have included sustained investments in the disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) of combatants. Yet while policy analysts have debated the factors that contribute to successful DDR programs and scholars have reasoned about the macro conditions that facilitate successful peace building, little is known about the factors that account for successful reintegration at the micro level. Using a new dataset of ex-combatants in Sierra Leone, this article analyzes the individual-level determinants of demobilization and reintegration. Past participation in an abusive military faction is the strongest predictor of difficulty in achieving social reintegration. On economic and political reintegration, we find that wealthier and more educated combatants face greater difficulties. Ideologues, men, and younger fighters are the most likely to retain strong ties to their factions. Most important, we find little evidence at the micro level that internationally funded programs facilitate demobilization and reintegration.

Our essay proposes that while the predominant concept of revolution as driven by the mobilization of social, political, and cultural forces has value, at least as important for understanding the revolutions of 1917 was the dramatic demobilization of army, police, state, and society. We suggest that revolutions often see a conflict between affective mobilization (in which some portion of the citizenry becomes much more enthusiastic about particular social and political projects) and structural demobilization (in which the failure of major state institutions and economic enterprises makes positive social and political change nearly impossible). In early 1917, affective mobilization on behalf of the war and the regime was in decline, but structural mobilization was at its peak. The February Revolution brought a sudden radical structural demobilization. This structural demobilization both made it possible for relatively modest numbers of revolutionary forces to succeed in October 1917 and made the emergence of widespread apathy and disillusionment in 1918 much more likely.

The article considers the essence and approaches to understanding network political protest. Traditional forms of collective action are changing under the influence of information and communication technologies. The network paradigm focuses on the position of the individual in the social space, the degree of his involvement in the communication space, the ability to control and regulate the intensity of the information flow. Network structures are more flexible and adaptive, more in line with the new reality. Special and main principles of the network structure of political protest are revealed. The article also presents definitions of political mobilization and demobilization. These processes Express the rivalry of the conflicting parties-the state and society, where the support of the broad masses of the population is an important category. Based on the data of the monitoring study, the features of the development of civil protest activism and the use of mobilization technologies were identified. ICTs have a significant impact on their formation and transformation. The state, reacting to forms of real and virtual activity, formulates a counteraction strategy. It is expressed in the use of technologies for the demobilization of citizens, which are also undergoing changes in the era of digitalization