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Looking over the political scene of contemporary Europe, we observe that the European states are aligned in two fundamentally antagonistic camps of political institutions and ideals. Democracy and liberal institutions are still in force in Great Britain, the Irish Free State, France, Belgium, the Netherlands, the Scandinavian countries of Sweden, Norway, Denmark, and Finland, in Switzerland, and in Czechoslovakia; while autocracies at present embrace Russia, Turkey, Germany, Italy, Portugal, Austria, Poland, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Rumania, and Hungary; also among the Baltic states, at least Latvia and Estonia may be so classified. As for Spain and Greece, notwithstanding that democratic constitutions are nominally still in existence, it is at least open to doubt whether or not they at the present moment should be classified as democracies. By far the greater part of European territory and of European population is under dictatorial rule of one type or another. It might seem, therefore, appropriate to weigh the possibilities of a further expansion of the systems of government which, loosely but rather adequately, are termed dictatorships or autocracies.

8 pages. This pamphlet includes information about the history of the Japanese-American relocation centers and the lives that the Japanese-Americans can expect to live within them. The second section of the pamphlet describes the organization of camp, focusing on democratic systems of self-governance within the camp and education provided to internees. This includes information about the Japanese-American's freedom to worship, education, and community government. In preparation for the resettlement of internees to locations outside restricted military zones, Myer elaborates on the war time labor needs of America and how Japanese Americans may serve to fill these needs. The article contained in the pamphlet was originally published in a periodical titled Common Ground, which was printed by the Common Council for American Unity.

As professor Friedrich has pointed out in his Foreign Policy in the Making (Norton, New York, 1938) an effective foreign policy presupposes national unity and continuity. President Wilson tasted the bitterness of defeat over his League of Nations because he was an innovator and because he found it impossible to rally the nation behind his plan for American participation in an international peace program. At the present moment President Roosevelt is confronted both inside and outside his party by aggressive dissenters from his foreign policy. Persons and groups posing as the true defenders of the American democratic tradition have demanded the Ludlow referendum on war. They have presented isolationism, neutrality and economic nationalism as the principles of an authentic democratic way of life and have depicted international collaboration against aggressors as autocratic and dictatorial in tendency. The traditional American foreign policy of a "broad neutrality" says former President Hoover in Liberty, April 15, 1939, is being discarded by the present administration for a "vague use of force in association with European democracies." Others say that President Roosevelt is leading the United States into war in order to assure himself a third term and to perpetuate New Deal "dictatorship."

In the titanic struggle for leadership in Europe, Great Britain is resisting the most formidable challenge to her supremacy. For centuries, her principal foreign policy was to prevent any establishment of hegemony over the entire European continent. After the first World War, British statesmen, however, were convinced "that they could no longer bear the burden of regulating world affairs alone. They urged a League of Nations…. But national sovereignties were no more prepared to collaborate in a democratic world organization than they had been to submit to British domination. Thus, instead of the League of Nations succeeding to the British imperial hegemony, the world fell into anarchy in a new struggle of several states, each striving to become the dominant Power."

The American viewing present-day European governments is more than ordinarily perplexed. He knew that states, great and small, had adopted nineteenth-century constitutions in conscious imitation of free British parliamentary self-government. The four ancient governmental systems associated with the names Romanoff, Hapsburg, Hohenzollern, and Othman, which were based on autocracy, with or without a claim of divine sanction, with or without a record of efficient service—these he had seen the Great War bring down to cataclysmic ruin. Perhaps he had thought of that war as democracy's righteous, forceful defense of itself against the aggression of imperialism. He had seen, if not shared, high hopes of a reconstruction, wherein free states should cooperate in a league of peace, and rival each other only peacefully, in perfecting democratic constitutions and the mechanisms of individual liberty and social order.

Postwar American security planning will be realistic and adequate only to the extent that it is based upon a careful evaluation of the present and prospective relationship of the power position of the United States to that of the remainder of the world. In the past, it has been fashionable in this country to condemn power politics as something immoral, associated with the sinister contrivings of European diplomatists and not with the honest and above-board conduct of foreign relations by a democratic and peace-loving people. The term "power politics" has come to mean the cynical and ruthless use of power to advance national interests at the expense of others. But even though such a use—or abuse—of power is to be condemned, it does not follow that the power factor in international relations can be disregarded or even minimized. In practice, it will always be uppermost in the minds of statesmen, however much they say about the legal equality of all states, and the peoples of democratic countries need to be as fully aware of the constructive uses to which power may be put as to the misuse of which it is so freely susceptible.While condemnation of power as a basis of policy has by no means disappeared from American thinking, there is a growing realization that we were able with impunity to minimize its importance in the past because of the existence of a particular set of circumstances which combined to provide us with adequate national security and which required little positive effort on our part. In other words, there is a new awareness of the fact that our favorable position with respect to security, which existed during the latter part of the nineteenth century and up to 1914, arose, not from moral superiority on our part or from the inherent excellence of our governmental system, but from other factors which had little or no relationship to these political or moral qualities.

Correspondence between Mr. Melchor Ortega and General Plutarco Elías Calles who is living in exile in San Diego, CA. Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles writes to Mr. Melchor Ortega expressing he hopes that Mrs. Magdalena gets better soon. He criticizes the economic measures taken by the Mexican government since taxes were raised. He emphasizes the economic tie between the United States and Mexico. He states Hitler's measures are in benefit of the German people and claims that democratic governments must change their system. Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles writes to Melchor Ortega and tells about the situation of the Hacienda Santa Bárbara. Regarding the international situation, he agrees with Hitler's measures within the German army and the diplomatic corps. He also writes about Hitler's "nationalist" speech, land restitution and the Axis powers. / Correspondencia entre el señor Melchor Ortega y el general PEC, que se encuentra viviendo en el exilio en San Diego, Cal. El general PEC escribe a Melchor Ortega deseando la recuperación de la salud de Magdalena, criticando las medidas económicas que se han tomado en México, donde se han subido los aranceles para aliviar las presiones. Hace énfasis en la vinculación económica que existe entre Estados Unidos y México y cómo estos decretos perjudican gravemente la relación, en la que el perdedor será nuestro país. En cuanto a los sucesos mundiales comenta que en España y China no hay cambios y alaba la actitud de Hitler, que tiende a consolidar un régimen dictatorial sin escrúpulos, ya que su programa cumple los intereses nacionales del pueblo alemán, que busca recuperar lo que le fue arrebatado con el Tratado de Versalles y afirma que las democracias deben modernizar sus mecanismos o prevalecerán los procedimientos dictatoriales. El general PEC escribe a Melchor Ortega lamentando el atropello que sufrió con la Hacienda de Santa Bárbara, que en nombre del mejoramiento de las masas fue destruida y afirma que con esas políticas se afectará la economía del país y nadie evitará que vaya a la ruina; con respecto a la situación internacional considera positivas las remociones que Hitler ha hecho en el ejército y en el cuerpo diplomático, alaba su discurso nacionalista, sus reivindicaciones territoriales y sus repercusiones en el gobierno inglés, así como la conformación del eje Roma-Berlín-España-Portugal.

Losses by the Labor party—looked upon as one of the most radical of Western European labor parties—and gains by the non-socialist groups at the Storting elections on October 20, 1930, resulted in a notable, though not a decisive, move toward the right in Norwegian parliamentary politics. The move was a remarkable one in that the Labor party lost 12 of its 59 seats in the Storting; the Conservative party added 13 to the 31 seats it already held; and the Communists, who had held three seats, were unable to elect a single representative. The move lacked decisiveness, however, because the Laborites, in spite of their losses, still constitute the largest parliamentary party. At the same time, the popular vote registered for the party was the largest ever given to any Labor or Socialist group in the history of Norway. The Conservatives did not take over the government, and the Radical government under the premiership of Mowinckel continued. While the Radicals joined with the other non-socialist parties in the fight against Labor, it advocates, nevertheless, a progressive social program. Furthermore, the present move to the right is not nearly so marked as was the move to the left in the last triennial election in 1927. The new Storting remains farther to the left than was the Storting before the 1927 elections.The chief reason why this election deserves attention is that in it there were placed before a literate, alert, and intelligent electorate—representing a homogeneous people with a democratic background—vital issues involving the acceptance or rejection of an advanced socialistic program.

Article in English entitled "The Law of the Pendulum. From Radical Impulsiveness to Reactionary Intransigence". It comprises statements by Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles made in San Diego, CA on August 7, 1936 concerning the situation in Mexico and Europe. It includes two translations in Spanish. General Plutarco Elías Calles points out the violence in the world, analyzes right and left positions, dangers of dictatorships and the way events impose an opinion of the article mentioned above. He urges for peace among people and leaders. He analyzes the situation of the Italian fascism with Mussolini, who at least grants work and peace for Italians, but since it is a totalitarian regime, it creates violence. As for Germany, he states that excess and mistakes by socialists and communists led to public opinion to support those who offered order: the Nazis. For PEC, Hitler is the response to intransigence because he has awaken the desire of conservation of the German people. Regarding Spain, he states that fights and divisions keep it in the anarchy and destroy it. In the case of Russia, he considers it is an interesting case for being a country more Asian than European, where it has been established an extralegal and dogmatic regime. This regime has been maintained because people have never lived democratic freedoms. He warns about an imminent conflict in Europe between the two extremist positions that the different nations have taken. And facing this situation, countries in the Americas must take action and not be controlled by the violence. / Artículo en inglés titulado "The Law of the Pendulum. From Radical Impulsiveness to Reactionary Intransigence". Contiene declaraciones del general PEC hechas en San Diego, Cal., el 7 de agosto de 1936, relativas a la situación que prevalece en el país y en Europa; se anexan dos traducciones al español. El general PEC lamenta la violencia que caracteriza al mundo en ese momento y se pregunta "¿hasta cuando?"; analiza las posturas de la derecha y de la izquierda, el peligro de las dictaduras y de cómo los acontecimientos imponen a la opinión la ley del péndulo; del impulsivismo radical de la izquierda a la intransigencia reaccionaria de la derecha y así afirma, la paz no puede lograrse, por lo que urge predicar la serenidad entre los pueblos y sus gobernantes; analiza la situación del fascismo italiano con Mussolini quien por lo menos procura asegurar trabajo y tranquilidad a los italianos, pero al ser un régimen dictatorial engendra violencia. En cuanto a Alemania afirma que los excesos y errores de socialistas y comunistas fueron los que hicieron que la opinión se inclinara por quien ofrecía orden: los nazis. Hitler es la respuesta a la intransigencia, es quien ha despertado el instinto de conservación del pueblo alemán. Respecto a España, se lamenta que esté ensangrentada y destruida por la lucha de facciones, que la tienen sumida en la anarquía. El caso de Rusia le parece muy interesante por tratarse de un pueblo más asiático que Europeo en donde se ha implantado un régimen extralegal, dogmático, que ha podido mantenerse sólo porque ahí nunca se han conocido las libertades democráticas. Previene del peligro inminente de una conflagración en Europa por las posiciones extremistas que las diferentes naciones han adoptado y frente a esta situación los pueblos de América deben responsabilizarse de sus destinos y no dejarse arrastrar por la violencia.

Correspondence between Melchor Ortega and Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles who is living in exile in San Diego, CA. Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles sends his sympathy for the death of Ortega's friend. He gives news of his life and tells about the news of the oil workers' strike. He argues it is necessary to enforce the law. As for U.S. politics, he states there are not changes and economy in the U.S. is going well. The general writes about the conflict between China and Japan. He criticizes the position of the Society of Nations regarding the conflict in Europe. He asserts that the press is being cautious with the conflict in Europe and is more focused on the European conflict. He describes the movement leaded by John Lewis in the metallurgy industry. Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles disagrees with the widespread idea that the government must enforce the law impartially and protect citizen's right to work and strike. He concludes asserting that the workers' movement has weakened the president's ambition to reorganize the Supreme Court. He states he hopes that the party who wins in Spain has a democratic vision and prevents exploitation of the working class. He regrets Stalin's "purge" for he has annihilated big groups of population. Unsigned letter that is a response to another letter signed on October 30. The author analyzes the conflict in Europe and the situation of silver and its repercussion in Mexican economy. Melchor Ortega writes to Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles telling he met with a group of friends from Guanajuato. He gives news of his life in Mexico, the economic situation and the prices of grains and beans. He tells he is trying to start a business that gives good profits. He asks the General to inform Rodolfo of the negotiation for the Hacienda Santa Bárbara and send him money. Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles replies informing that he carried out his request. The General writes about the economic and agricultural situation. Melchor Ortega replies informing that former ambassador De Negri is leading a group of "friends of Spain" to collect funds for Azaña. He informs that the PNR (National Revolutionary Party) no longer exists but a new party will be created and a national convention to name the leaders is being organized. He states he regrets the economic situation, the high prices of grains and beans, lack of credits, and the commercial uncertainty. He give news from their mutual friends Mr. Juan Platt, Mr. Morones, Mr. Luis León, Mr. Vargas Lugo, "La Pioja" and wishes him a merry Christmas. / Correspondencia entre Melchor Ortega y el general PEC, que se encuentra en San Diego, Cal., en el exilio. El general PEC le da el pésame a Melchor Ortega por la pérdida de su amigo con quien viajaría a Europa; le da noticias acerca de su vida diaria; comenta las noticias aparecidas en la prensa relativas a la huelga de los trabajadores petroleros y de la necesidad de establecer por ley el arbitraje obligatorio para mantener orden y disciplina social. En cuanto a la política norteamericana afirma que no hay cambios y que la economía marcha bien, aunque ha subido el costo de la vida. El general PEC escribe a Melchor Ortega comentando el conflicto de chinos y japoneses, del que seguramente serán los chinos los perdedores por ser los más débiles. Critica la postura de la Sociedad de las Naciones frente al conflicto en Europa, donde España se ha convertido en un sangriento campo de experimentación en el que se debate la intransigencia de dos doctrinas, el fascismo y el comunismo, y la Sociedad no ha hecho nada. Respecto a Japón afirma que la prensa ha estado muy cautelosa y más bien está volteada hacia el conflicto europeo, donde las naciones de vanguardia publicitan la paz y arman a los contendientes. Hace una descripción de los movimientos de huelga organizados por John Lewis en la industria siderúrgica, con su secuela de choques, motines y sangre hasta que la Guardia Nacional intervino y fueron cerradas las fábricas en respeto al derecho de huelga. Vinieron después conferencias e intentos para reconciliar a las partes litigantes hasta que el representante de los industriales declaró que no celebrarían ningún contrato con una organización irresponsable dirigida por comunistas y demagogos. Los líderes se enfurecieron pero no hubo marcha atrás y dos meses después los trabajadores han empezado a regresar a las fábricas y la misma Guardia Nacional está protegiendo su derecho a regresar al trabajo, estos acontecimientos han creado la certidumbre de que es deber del gobierno garantizar la imparcial aplicación de las leyes y proteger el derecho de los ciudadanos a trabajar o a declararse en huelga según deseen y a adherirse a cualquier organización, criterio que el general PEC considera erróneo porque olvida el interés público. Él concluye que esta postura es resultado de los procedimientos extremos de Lewis, por lo que se manifiesta partidario de crear un organismo de arbitraje que funja como mediador, si no serán los obreros los que siempre pierdan, los llevará a la derrota ya que las fuerzas de resistencia están de parte del capital. Si ya existiera en E.U.A. un arbitraje obligatorio Lewis no hubiera llegado a extremos, ya que demostró ser un buen organizador y un mal jefe. Esta lucha laboral ha debilitado al presidente, quien difícilmente podrá pasar en el senado su proyecto de reorganizar la Suprema Corte. Lamenta la guerra fraticida en España, que es una guerra europea en miniatura y sólo desea que el ganador sea tolerante y tenga la visión clara para establecer un régimen democrático, que impida la explotación de las clases trabajadoras. Se lamenta de la "purga" de Stalin, quien con el pretexto de la "depuración rusa" ha aniquilado grandes sectores de la población. Carta manuscrita, sin firma, que tiene arrancada la fecha y destinatario, que es respuesta a una de 30 de octubre, en la que el autor analiza la situación del conflicto en Europa y hace un detallado análisis del problema de la plata y su repercusión en la economía mexicana no sólo en la industria minera, sino en la volatilidad de la moneda, las reservas del Banco Central y la disponibilidad de créditos. Melchor Ortega escribe al general PEC comentando que se reunió un grupo de amigos guanajuatenses y que lo recordó con gran afecto. Le da noticias de la vida en México, de la situación de la economía, de los precios de los granos básicos que cada vez suben más por las malas cosechas en gran parte del país, debido a las plagas, la falta de cultivos, el abandono de las tierras, a los bandoleros que asolan varias regiones del país. Le informa que él trata de encarrilarse en algo que le deje lo suficiente para vivir. Le pide que le informe a Rodolfo qué ha sido de las negociaciones que le pidió respecto a Santa Bárbara y le solicita le envíe unos ahorros que tiene allá para poder ampliar sus negocios. El general PEC contesta a Melchor Ortega que ya cumplió con su encargo y le comenta que la mala situación del país se debe al desplome de la producción agrícola y al desbalance monetario, ya que la inflación produce miseria y la miseria demandas de aumento de salarios y la economía entra en un círculo vicioso. La única esperanza es que muera la ola demagógica que afecta la economía. Melchor Ortega escribe al general PEC comentado la guerra chino-japonesa; la de España, que él considera que va para largo, y le informa que el ex-embajador De Negri lidera un grupo de "amigos de España" que recauda dinero para Azaña. Le informa que se acabó el PNR y que pronto tendrán un partido de obreros y soldados, que ya está citada una Convención Nacional para elegir nuevos líderes; se lamenta de la mala situación económica, de los altos precios de los granos, de la falta de créditos, de la incertidumbre de la balanza comercial provocada por la falta de definición de Estados Unidos respecto del precio de la plata. Por último da noticias de los amigos comunes: Juan Platt, Morones, Luis ­L. León, Vargas Lugo, La Pioja (sic) y le desea una feliz navidad.