Procesos de transicion politica en Centroamerica
In: Foro internacional: revista trimestral, Band 32, Heft 2/126, S. 273-284
ISSN: 0185-013X
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In: Foro internacional: revista trimestral, Band 32, Heft 2/126, S. 273-284
ISSN: 0185-013X
World Affairs Online
Esta tesis doctoral persigue como objetivo destacado investigar uno de los más importantes fenómenos comunicativos entre los movimientos sociales de las dos últimas décadas. La insurrección indígena zapatista de 1994 en Chiapas fue el origen de un movimiento social que condicionó la política mexicana, alcanzando una fenomenal resonancia continental y mundial. El conflicto entre el zapatismo y el estado se ha planteado, preferentemente, como una lucha discursiva, comunicada desde múltiples escenarios y por diversos canales: la movilización callejera, los medios de comunicación, la actividad artística polimórfica, la publicidad, el parlamento o las redes sociales. Así, un actor insurgente armado consiguió una notable legitimidad, propiciando, paradójicamente, la democratización del país. La metodología sutilizada es la propia de los Estudios Críticos del Discurso y de la Comunicación, con una mirada forzosamente multidisciplinar; que incorpora análisis discursivos y comunicacionales con una importante atención al contexto. La perspectiva es multimodal, cualitativa y semiótica, contando con aportaciones de otras ciencias sociales, como la sociología o la antropología, de forma que se puedan abordar los aspectos semióticos que, finalmente, condicionan la plena significación de los procesos comunicativos. Por ello, se combinará el análisis del discurso aplicado a una gran variedad de textos periodísticos, literarios, publicitarios o parlamentarios, junto al análisis comunicacional detallado de los distintos productos concebidos con una finalidad persuasiva. Asimismo, se estudiarán los diversos aspectos implicados en su comunicación, como el diseño, la producción, la distribución y la recepción. Dichos criterios se aplicaron especialmente a los acontecimientos movilizadores que enmarcaron y condicionaron el debate social, de forma destacada, a la marcha de la dignidad indígena desarrollada en el primer trimestre de 2001 y al debate parlamentario sobre la autonomía indígena que la culminó Del estudio, aparecen como conclusiones que los Estudios Críticos del Discurso y de la Comunicación deben analizar el conjunto de los dispositivos y artefactos culturales resultantes de cualquier proceso de movilización social desde una perspectiva crítica, comprometida, capaz tanto de analizarlos en profundidad como de contribuir a aumentar su influencia en el panorama mediático y potenciar su contribución al cambio democrático, igualitario e incluyente de cualquier sociedad. México aparece hoy como un estado disfuncional, debido al impacto de la delincuencia organizada, la guerra contra el narcotráfico y la impunidad y corrupción generalizadas, un panorama que algunos denominan necropolítica, cuya responsabilidad última es atribuible al estado, que perpetúa así una gran pobreza y desigualdad social, especialmente acusadas en los indios. Los indígenas sufren, atenuado por un supuesto mestizaje, un racismo secular, combatido, casi de forma fundacional, por el zapatismo que exige el reconocimiento de las culturas y el autogobierno indígenas. Consecuentemente, desarrolló en sus territorios una inédita experiencia de autogobierno y participación comunitaria, edificando un modelo de desarrollo económico, educativo, sanitario, comunicativo y cultural. Así, ha conseguido un gran reconocimiento y legitimidad en otros movimientos indígenas o campesinos, continentales o internacionales, además de en los novísimos movimientos sociales que, como los de la indignación global desde 2011, protagonizan la tecnopolítica, aquella que usa de forma inédita las redes sociales al servicio de la movilización y el empoderamiento ciudadano. Es una consecuencia de una enseñanza zapatista, que coloca la edificación de procesos y medios comunicativos autónomos en el centro de la actividad de los movimientos ya que son conscientes de que los cambios sociales exigen lograr la hegemonía cultural, un objetivo alcanzable con sus medios de autocomunicación de masas. Unos medios alternativos que condicionan la agenda mediática y transforman democráticamente el periodismo, mientras conforman un nuevo paradigma de movimientos sociales como redes globales, inclusivas, horizontales y descentralizadas. The main aim of this Ph.D. thesis is to examine a very important communication phenomenon that has taken place among social movements in these last two decades. The 1994 Zapatista revolt in Chiapas was the origin of a social movement that determined Mexican politics and produced a huge impact, both in the Americas and the rest of the world. The conflict between Zapatismo and the Mexican state has usually been presented as a discursive struggle which was conveyed from multiple scenarios and through very diverse channels - street mobilization, the media, polymorphic artistic events, advertising, parliamentary sessions or social networks. Thus, an armed insurgent actor achieved a remarkable legitimacy, paradoxically fostering the democratization of their country. The methodology used is in keeping with Critical Discourse and Communication Studies, with a necessarily multidisciplinary approach, integrating discursive and communication analyses with substantial attention to context. A multimodal approach is thus applied, from both qualitative and semiotic perspectives. This approach incorporates contributions from other social sciences, such as sociology or anthropology, in order to address the semiotic issues that eventually determine the full signification of communicative processes. The consequent discourse analysis applied to a huge variety of journalistic, literary, or parliamentary texts will be combined with the detailed communication analysis of diverse products which were designed with a persuasive purpose. Likewise, the various issues involved in their conveyance, such as design, production, distribution and reception will be studied. These criteria are especially applied to the mobilizing events that acted as framework and determining factors of public debate, notably the March for Indigenous Dignity that took place in 2001, and the Mexican parliamentary debate about indigenous autonomy derived from it. The conclusions indicate that Critical Discourse and Communication Studies must analyze the cultural devices and artifacts that result from any social mobilization process using a critical and committed approach, which is both able to investigate them in depth and to contribute to increasing their influence on the media and to enhance their contribution to the democratic, egalitarian and inclusive transformation of any society. Mexico is nowadays a dysfunctional state due to the impact of organized crime, war, impunity and corruption. This panorama is described by some as necropolitics, whose ultimate responsibility lies with the state and its perpetuation of a great poverty and social inequality, most noteworthy in the indigenous population. The natives suffer an age-old racism, lessened by an alleged hybridity, and fought on an almost foundational basis by Zapatismo in its demand of recognition of indigenous cultures and self-government. As a consequence, the Zapatista movement developed an unprecedented experience of self-government in its territory, building a model for economic, educational, public-health, communication and cultural development. This has brought about a great recognition and legitimacy among other indigenous or peasant movements, both in the Americas and the rest of the world. This influence has been especially noteworthy among the new, new social movements, such as those based on global indignation that, since 2011, play a leading role in technopolitics, defined by its unprecedented use of social networks at the service of mobilization and citizen empowerment. This is a consequence of a Zapatista lesson, that places the building of processes and autonomous media in the center of social movements. This approach is derived from their awareness that social change needs to achieve cultural hegemony, an aim which can only be attained through mass media. These media determine the communicative agenda and democratically change journalism and a new paradigm of social movements as global, inclusive, horizontal and decentralized networks is set.
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In the narrative territory, the fable has been established from a male conception since the foundational times of culture. Nevertheless, strong female characters (heroines) have existed from Aristófanes (Lysistrata) to the present day; Joan of Arc, the Celtic Queen Boudicca, Juana Azurduy (Argentine historical character); Mérida from "Brave", Katniss Everdeen in The Hunger Games, Khalessi in Game of Thrones; female Captain Marvel, Wonder Woman; Beatrix Kiddo from Kill Bill, Trinity in Matrix, Rey the scavenger in Star Wars (who incarnates "The Force" and stands up to the Empire). Hundreds of examples exist where we can find a structural, aesthetic and ethical change which refresh narratives and their fables. Women have advanced noticeably in every field in these past years thanks to the struggle of feminist movements. As a consequence of the permanent quest in search of their social role, and the evident failure of the patriarchal system, cracks in the social structure are appearing. The transformation powered by the Women's movements traverse the core structure of our society, making itself evident in different aspects of culture, in its more ample definition. The emergence of a new female character -a restricted role model before now- challenges the existing archetypical structures and promises changes towards a new, wider, more inclusive and diverse narrative. In the present day, empowered women's participation in all social strata is on the rise. This is true for the social, material world and is also observable in the cultural mirror through diverse artistic productions; narrative in film and television, literature, mass media and digital platforms. A democratization process of information, aesthetic and argumentative criteria appears to inaugurate -at a slow but steady pace- a new figurative view of the world. One of the more present, recognizable and active forms is the audiovisual account in which new archetypes of heroic characters, with intrinsically feminine attributes conquer the stories, the audience and box office. If for humanity storytelling has been founding of its own culture, the change in form, manner and point of view, -thus a transformation in the way we narrate- changes the historical conception and cosmovision of the world. The new fable shall not be the like the on before it, neither will it be like its opposite: it shall be a completely different conception, transversal, multidimensional, inclusive and creative. This projects aims to breach dominant ways of thinking and generate a new map in the narrative territory towards the discovery of new worlds. ; En el territorio de la narrativa, los relatos se han establecido a partir de una concepción patriarcal desde los tiempos fundacionales de la cultura. Sin embargo, las heroínas han existido desde Aristófanes (Lisistrata: La rebelión de las mujeres): personajes como Juana de Arco, la reina celta Boudicca, Juana Azurduy hasta Mérida de Valiente de PIxar, Katniss Everdeen en Los Juegos del Hambre, Khalessi o Arya de Juego de Tronos, Capitana Marvel o Mujer Maravilla, Beatrix Kiddo de Kill Bill, Trinity en Matrix, Rey la chatarrera de Star Wars que encarna "La Fuerza" y enfrenta al imperio. Así, existen cientos de ejemplos donde se observa un cambio estructural, estético y ético que aporta una nueva mirada a la narrativa. En los últimos tiempos se observa un importante avance de la mujer en distintos ámbitos sociales gracias a la potencia individual de algunas pensadoras de avanzada y a las luchas de los movimientos feministas. Como consecuencia del trabajo permanente de las mujeres y en línea directa con el fracaso del modelo patriarcal, puede verse un resquebrajamiento en las estructuras sociales, cuya epidermis ha sido cuarteada por los acontecimientos históricos. Es decir que el proceso de transformación social hacia la equidad de género atraviesa la estructura misma de nuestra sociedad, y se hace patente en los diferentes aspectos de la cultura en su definición más amplia. La aparición de un nuevo tipo de personaje femenino -hasta ahora vedado como modelopone en jaque las estructuras sociales arquetípicas existentes y se erige como una promesa de cambio para una nueva narrativa más amplia, inclusiva y diversa. Hoy día puede observarse una creciente participación de mujeres empoderadas en todos los estratos de la sociedad. Esto sucede tanto en el ámbito del mundo real como en su espejo cultural a través de las más diversas producciones del cine, la televisión, la literatura, los medios de comunicación y las plataformas digitales. Esta suerte de democratización de la información y de los criterios estéticos y argumentales inaugura de forma lenta pero segura una nueva manera de interpretar al mundo. Uno de sus aspectos más activos, reconocibles y presentes puede observarse en el relato audiovisual, en donde la aparición de nuevos modelos de mujeres heroicas, con valores intrínsecamente ligados a lo femenino e igualitario, arrasan, no sólo en el discurso sino también en las plateas y en las elecciones del público. Si para la humanidad el narrar historias ha sido fundante de sus propias culturas, el cambio de signo en la manera y forma en que se mira y por ende relata cambia el sentido de la historia, brindando una nueva cosmovisión. El nuevo relato ya no será igual al anterior ni su opuesto: será una concepción totalmente diferente, transversal, multidimensional, integradora y creativa. ; No território da narrativa, as histórias foram estabelecidas a partir de uma concepção de corte masculino desde os tempos fundacionales da cultura, no entanto têm existido desde os tempos de Aristófanes (A rebelião das mulheres), personagens como Juan de Arco, a rainha celta Boudicca, Juana Azurduy até Mérida de Brave (Valente), Katniss Everdeen nos Jogos da Fome, Khalessi de Jogo de Tronos, Capitã Marvel, a mesma Mulher Maravilha, Beatrix Kiddo de Kill Bill, Trinity em Matrix, Rei a chatarrera de Star Wars que encarna "a Força" e enfrenta ao império. Assim, existem centos de exemplos onde se observa uma mudança estrutural, estético e ético que contribui uma visão refrescante à narrativa. Nos últimos tempos observou-se um avanço extraordinário da mulher em todos os campos graças às lutas dos movimentos femininos. Como consequência de uma busca permanente das mulheres de seu papel social no mundo e em linha direta com o evidente fracasso do modelo patriarcal, pode ver-se um craqueamento nas estruturas sociais que cuja epiderme tem sido cuarteada pelos acontecimentos da história. Isto é, que o processo de transformação social impulsionado pelo feminino, atravessa a estrutura mesma de nossa sociedade, evidenciando-se nos diferentes aspectos da cultura em sua definição mais ampla. O aparecimento de um novo tipo de personagem feminina –até agora vedado como modelo- põe em xeque as estruturas arquetípicas existentes e são uma promessa de mudança para uma nova narrativa mais ampla, inclusiva e diversa. Hoje em dia pode observar-se uma crescente participação de mulheres empoderadas em todos os estratos da sociedade. Isto se dá tanto no âmbito do mundo real como em seu espelho cultural através das mais diversas produções artísticas e narrativas do cinema, a televisão, a literatura, os meios de comunicação e nas plataformas digitais. Esta sorte de democratização da informação e dos critérios estéticos e argumentales inaugura de forma lenta mas segura, uma nova forma de visualização do mundo. Uma de suas formas mais ativas, reconocibles e presentes pode observar-se em no relato audiovisual em onde o aparecimento de novos arquetipos de mulheres heroicas, com valores intrinsecamente unidos ao feminino, arrasam, não só no discurso sina nas plateias e nas eleições do público. Se para a humanidade o narrar histórias tem fundado sua própria cultura, a mudança de signo na maneira e forma em que se olha e portanto relata muda o sentido da história, e assim muda a cosmovisión do mundo. O novo relato já não será igual ao anterior nem seu oposto: será uma concepção totalmente diferente, transversal, multidimensional, integrador e criativo. Este projeto propõe-se abrir uma brecha no pensamento dominante e gerar um novo mapa para a reflexão no território da narrativa, rumo à descoberta de novos mundos.
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The current global economic crisis is exposing a concomitant yet deeper governability crisis in the developed world. As anti-incumbent sentiment sweeps Europe, Americans are recovering from a relentlessly destructive Republican primary season is over and bracing themselves for the upcoming election season, which may arguably be the most important in our lifetime. The federal government is paralyzed by deep and irreconcilable views on how to solve the problems of huge sovereign debt, a gaping budget deficit, the cost of health care and immigration reform, to name some of the most salient issues. Controversial federal and state legislation aimed at solving these problems is increasingly being challenged at the Supreme Court, where nine unelected judges will determine their constitutionality. Globalization has produced a special set of challenges: an open world economy has forced governments to maintain fiscal stability over the long term in order to maintain the value of their currencies and stock markets, as well as access to credit. At the same time, advanced democracies are facing the limits of the welfare state, as well as demographic pressures as baby boomers retire; and immigrants (who could provide part of the solution to some of those problems) are less welcome today than ever. Trust in politicians, elected officials and major institutions, has declined steadily over the last twenty-five years; it is not by coincidence that this spreading disillusionment with the democratic order affects not only Europe but also the United States. The recent turnover of governments in Europe, and the polarization of American politics reveal an alarming lack of confidence in democracy and its institutions. This cynicism is growing: indeed, the question is no longer whether the government is sufficiently responsive to the demands and interests of citizens, but whether, in a context of global pressures, it is in fact capable of effectively solving the current problems. In the United States, widespread skepticism now extends to all formal institutions of governance, not only elected ones but even unelected ones. This sentiment is especially problematic and indicative of a very entrenched distrust that will not be easily dispelled. Only ten years ago, political scientists found that in spite of disenchantment with politicians and elected officials, Americans still had a strong respect for the Armed Forces, the Federal Reserve Bank and the Supreme Court. They had concluded that this was due to the fact that these bodies were insulated from populist pressures and the omnipresent poll. More recently, however, studies by Ronald Inglehart and others have found a severe decrease in public confidence in the Armed Services, the Judiciary, police, civil service and state legislatures. It is one thing for people to blame the current government for economic crisis; it is quite different if this skepticism extends beyond incumbents to the formal institutions of governance. Today, Americans are challenging the very constitutional premises on which the country was founded, namely, diffusion of power and checks and balances. The perceived (and factual) decline in capacity of political agents to act on behalf of citizens' interests and demands is due mostly to the forces of globalization and interdependence which have led to reduced effectiveness in public policy. Incongruence between the diktat of international markets and domestic needs has put constraints on political agents' actions. But there are other factors that need to be considered as well, namely, failure in political leadership, bad judgment on the part of voters and elected officials, the deterioration of social capital and a media that provokes rather than informs. How are politicians and political parties responding to this rising trend of dissatisfaction and anger? By following every poll, seeking lobbyists' approval and changing their positions daily to adapt them to the latest voters' opinions. This is weakening representative democracy and distorting the democratic process. Congressional inability to compromise and solve the problems results in the judicialization of politics as the two ideological camps increasingly rely on judicial review as the alternative. This is turn leads inevitably to the politicization of the Judiciary. The whole Constitutional architecture that was built around diffusion of power, checks and balances and fear of accumulation of power in any one branch of government is now being challenged by the protections given to individual interest groups and by ceding too much power to unelected, nominally non-ideological Supreme Court judges. Unfortunately, the current Supreme Court under Chief Justice Roberts has made its mark on politics early on by its Citizens United v. Federal Electoral Commission decision, which has allowed indirect, unlimited political contributions by corporations and unions, thereby further entrenching corporate power into the political system. Another good example of the judicialization of politics is the bitter debate surrounding the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act passed by Congress in 2010, before the legislative election deprived Democrats of the ability to pass any other significant piece of legislation. In a cumbersome process that involved hundreds of lobbies from the grassroots as well as health insurance companies, hospitals and doctors, the administration was able to hammer out a compromise that met some of the basic requirements of patients and consumer groups, as well as the market-based method preferred by the rest o the coalition. The result was a law that was passed in spite of the negative vote of all Republicans in both Houses. It is based on a central pillar to reduce national health care costs: every citizen not covered by an employer or government plan must buy health insurance (so as to avoid the free rider problem of consuming without paying). The constitutionality of this law, main parts of which have not yet entered into force, was immediately challenged by 27 states as well as other organizations and individuals, and is now under Supreme Court review. The complexity of the issue and the polarized atmosphere surrounding it may well sway judges to exert their (ideological) "will" rather than their (objective) "judgment", to paraphrase Hamilton's warning, thus delivering an important political victory for Republicans this summer, at the height of the presidential campaign season. Conversely, a virulent anti-immigrant law passed by the state of Arizona is also being challenged before the Supreme Court. In this case it was the other side, the Justice Department, which sued over the right of states to pass immigration legislation, which is generally construed as a federal policy. Immigration will be a central issue in the coming presidential election, so the Court's ruling will again inevitably have political ramifications.In the XIX and XX centuries, The Leviathan state managed the process of modernization and industrialization and represented a shift from culturally- based decentralized institutions, whose legitimacy emanated from tradition, to state institutions deriving their authority from rational-legal instruments. Today we are experiencing a decline of state authority in a new context of globalization and open societies, and the trend is again toward decentralization of authority, focus on individual rights and less hierarchical, more market-oriented societal practices, that have yet to produce a new political order. Unfortunately, the "intermediary associations" of civil society that Alexis de Tocqueville identified as the main repository of democracy in America, are becoming less active, due to the increased post-modern individualism, itself reinforced by the technological revolution and by a cultural anarchy that demands the "democratization of everything"(think Wiki leaks, hacking, intellectual property piracy). An authority system linked to a stable culture which in turn is anchored on a moral code, breeds trust and generates internalized support. The current economic crisis, in the context of the highest income inequality in the history of the United States, has led to a revival of ideological rhetoric and endless partisan conflict, which erodes faith in the system as a whole. It is in moments like this that civil society becomes most relevant. Extreme capitalism has led to extreme individualism and lack of societal solidarity. Abundant resources allowed the social balance to tilt in favor of individual rights and entitlements and away from social responsibility. The present crisis may help restore that balance as individuals realize that the state has exhausted its capability for further entitlements and that society will have to rebuild its social capital to fill the void.
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The present number of University Trajectories, it is proposed to cover some of the current dimensions that cross university teaching, reconfiguring it, in relation to processes that are articulated both with the scenario of current cultural transformations and with academic public policies for the higher level that they rethink Some of its traditional features. One of these policies, central in the sense we propose, of implementing the so-called teaching career or academic career in the national universities of Argentina, is addressed by Daniela Atairo and Laura Rovelli. The authors' work presents results of an ongoing investigation, in which this policy is analyzed, recovering the complexity of the process and the senses that are articulated to it. One of the conclusions that emerges refers to the fact that it exists in the configuration of teaching, caused by the profiles of these careers, is a tendency towards the differentiation of functions and trajectories, attending to the difficulties that these university functions pose in the same subject (teacher). This trend, without a doubt, takes up a long-standing discussion about the configuration of teaching work in the university and specifically about the quality of the development of its task in institutional scenarios of intensification of academic work and unequal recognition of the functions it develops. On the other hand, public policies aimed at educational inclusion and the democratization of higher education, also form a powerful plot that challenges university teaching, along the entire training course, although drawing more strongly on income and the first year of university studies. Around this process, the work of Eva Mariani, Glenda Morandi and Mónica Ros analyzes, from an exploratory investigation, the perspectives and pedagogical proposals of chairs of the first year of the UNLP, about the challenges of educational inclusion, and the answers in terms of strategies and practices from which they try to promote it. It is possible to observe how the processes articulated to the policies of inclusion, deeply discuss with some traditional senses about university teaching, the senses of the training, the knowledge that is cut as legitimate and the micro scenarios in which the training processes have place. In this framework of reconfiguration of academic practices at the University, Marcela Sosa's article analyzes the trajectory of young researchers in their incorporation into the academic experience once they have graduated, in a context of complexing the possibilities of exercising their role in the College. According to the author, the transience of the current employment relationship, in the passage from intern to temporary plant, refers to uncertainties in science policies in our country, in a scenario of budgetary restriction, different from the previous one, as well as the maintenance of the projects initiated in your institution. It is also crucial in this regard, the conclusion about the relevance they have for the academic insertion of these professionals, the previous school biographies in their possible dialogue or framework with the hegemonic academic and disciplinary models. The reconfigurations that occurred in teaching, are also recovered in the work of Lucarelli, who focuses the analysis on the ways in which the meaning of teacher training and the role of Pedagogical Advisors in the spaces they coordinate is reconsidered. As the author points out, the actions begin to be characterized by creating situations in which the "trainer explicitly incorporates the knowledge of himself, of the affective, of the relational, as strategy and content of those programs". The active and participatory role of both subjects of the process is deepened, in a context in which the problematization of practices and subjectivities, becomes fundamental to go through the changes and variations that arise in teaching and teaching.This number also substantially recovers the innovative experiences that university professors from different disciplines and areas have built, reflected and implemented based on the debates and commitments that go through this institution. The works of the Experiences and Proposals section configure creative and critical contributions that express the concrete possibility of articulating theories and practices, realities and challenges, desires and achievements. We invite you to tour it. ; El presente número de Trayectorias Universitarias, se propone recorrer algunas de las dimensiones actuales que atraviesan a la docencia universitaria, reconfigurándola, en relación con procesos que se articulan tanto con el escenario de transformaciones culturales actuales como con políticas públicas académicas para el nivel superior que replantean algunos de sus rasgos tradicionales. Una de estas políticas, central en el sentido que planteamos, de implementación de la denominada carrera docente o carrera académica en las universidades nacionales de Argentina, es abordada por Daniela Atairo y Laura Rovelli. El trabajo de las autoras presenta resultados de una investigación en curso, en el que se analiza esta política, recuperando la complejidad que presenta el proceso y los sentidos que se articulan a la misma. Una de las conclusiones que emergen refiere a que existe en la configuración de la docencia, provocada por los perfiles de estas carreras, es una tendencia hacia la diferenciación de funciones y trayectorias, atendiendo a las dificultades que plantea que estas funciones universitarias recaigan en un mismo sujeto (docente). Esta tendencia, retoma sin duda una discusión largamente desarrollada en torno de la configuración del trabajo docente en la universidad y específicamente en torno de la calidad del desarrollo de su tarea en escenarios institucionales de intensificación del trabajo académico y de desigual reconocimiento de las funciones que desarrolla. Por otro lado, las políticas públicas orientadas a la inclusión educativa y a la democratización de la educación superior, configuran también una trama potente que interpela a la docencia universitaria, a lo largo de todo el recorrido de formación, aunque dibujándose con más fuerza en el ingreso y el primer año de los estudios universitarios. En torno de este proceso, el trabajo de Eva Mariani, Glenda Morandi y Mónica Ros analiza, a partir de un investigación exploratoria, las perspectivas y propuestas pedagógicas de cátedras del primer año de la UNLP, acerca de los desafíos que supone la inclusión educativa, y las respuestas en términos de estrategias y prácticas desde la que intentan promoverla. Es posible observar cómo los procesos articulados a las políticas de inclusión, discuten profundamente con algunos sentidos tradicionales acerca de la enseñanza universitaria, los sentidos de la formación, los saberes que se recortan como legítimos y los micro escenarios en los que los procesos de formación tienen lugar. En este marco de reconfiguración de las prácticas académicas en la Universidad, el artículo de Marcela Sosa analiza la trayectoria de jóvenes investigadores en su incorporación a la experiencia académica una vez graduados, en un contexto de complejización de las posibilidades de ejercicio de su rol en la Universidad. De acuerdo con la autora la transitoriedad del vínculo laboral actual, en el pasaje de becario a planta transitoria, remite a las incertidumbres en las políticas en ciencia en nuestro país, en un escenario de restricción presupuestaria, diferente del anterior, así como al mantenimiento de los proyectos iniciados en su institución. Es crucial también en ese sentido, la conclusión acerca de la relevancia que tienen para la inserción académica de estos profesionales, las biografías escolares previas en su posible diálogo o entramado con los modelos académicos y disciplinares hegemónicos. Las reconfiguraciones acontecidas en la docencia, se recuperan también en el trabajo de Lucarelli, quien centra el análisis en los modos en que se replantea, en consecuencia, el sentido de la formación docente y el rol de los Asesores Pedagógicos en los espacios que coordinan. Como señala la autora, las acciones comienzan a caracterizarse por crear situaciones en que las que el "formador incorpora explícitamente el conocimiento de sí mismo, de lo afectivo, de lo relacional, como estrategia y contenido de esos programas". Se profundiza en el rol activo y participativo de ambos sujetos del proceso, en un contexto en que la problematización de las prácticas y las subjetividades, se torna fundamental para atravesar las mudanzas y variaciones que se plantean en la docencia y la enseñanza. Este número recupera de manera sustancial también, las experiencias innovadoras que los docentes universitarios de distintas disciplinas y áreas han construido, reflexionado e implementado a partir de los debates y compromisos que atraviesan a esta institución. Los trabajos de la sección Experiencias y Propuestas configuran aportes creativos y críticos que expresan la posibilidad concreta de articular teorías y prácticas, realidades y desafíos, anhelos y logros. Los invitamos a recorrerla.
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In: http://orbilu.uni.lu/handle/10993/23731
The subject of study of this doctoral thesis is addressing to the nexus configuration between asylum and intern displacement migratory processes and the identifiable response in control and management migratory and border-crossing policies which state a "Border-crossing Order of things ". Additionally, analyzing the potential challenge/response to that identifiable order in "Transborder Citizenship Emerging Practices" by migrants, displaced people and refugees. A comparative study is carried out about/in the frontiers Spain-Morocco (European Union) and Colombia-Venezuela (Andean Community of Nations) in the period 1990-2010. In Chapter One, it is intended to made clear the coordinates about the What and How of the research as well as the results. This is done by three subsections: the literature review and the approach to the problem; research questions, hypothesis and research objectives; research methodology. The methodological design used poses a combination between qualitative and comparative research, which allow us to analyze and compare observations and descriptions (exploratory-descriptive research) and also to analyze and compare the addresses and representations (analytical-interpretive research). Generally, the type of comparison followed was the one proposed by Skocpol and Somers called " Contrast of Contexts " which is essential for the interpretive comparative variant in social sciences, different to the type of comparison by " hypothesis control ". On the other hand, we followed Charles Ragin's (1987) suggestions about the "Case-oriented Research " and about the complex problems of the " Conjunctural Causality ", in other words, causal models that vary " according to the context ". In Chapter Two, Global Order of Control and Management of Migrations and Borders. The emergence from the Migration-Displacement-Asylum nexus, the contextualization is made and the characteristics for this order are shown; in order to highlight transformation of the international migration tendencies to forced migrations and alongside with it, the emergence of the Migration-Displacement-Asylum nexus. The global order of control and migrations management as a border regime responds to a policy spin and to the policies that transform the frontiers into a mechanism for the migration control (Faist, 2003); just as shown in the detailed description of the global and regional control agendas, management and migration and border-crossing cooperation; migration and border-crossing policies, and the protection and asylum policies for refugees, asylum seeker and migrants in the frontiers Spain-Morocco and Colombia-Venezuela. In Chapter Three, emerging typologies related to the migration-displacement-asylum nexus that allowed us to make the analysis and the comparison in the specific border-crossing zones Spain-Morocco and Colombia-Venezuela; which have a big potential of being used in other case studies. These typologies correspond to: the closely related causes of forced and voluntary migration in their home countries; the diverse motivations of several migrants, displaced and asylum seekers; motivation changes during migration for many migrants, displaced and asylum seekers; motivation changes during migration for many migrants, displaced people and asylum seekers; the close relation between refugees and economic migrants in some transit countries in the Spain-Morocco frontier and the close relationship between refugees and economic migrants on the way through Colombian regions; the rising similarities in the migration process for both " forced " and " voluntary " migrants; refugees and migrant workers can have similar experiences in the host countries; the experience of return, repatriation or deportation can be similar. We have built an analytical-comparative proposal that includes theoretical contributions from anthropology and politics about frontiers and migrations, entering into conversation with political theories about frontiers, migrations and citizenship. Our proposal consists in analyzing control and migration/border-crossing management politics and the " transborder citizenship emerging practices " through two analytic triads " ( IBO-1 e IBO-2 ) ", known in critical literature about frontiers as " IBO ( IFO in spanish ) triad: Identities, Borders, Orders " ( Kearney, 1995; Albert, Jacobson and Lapid, 2001; Van Houtuum and Van Naerssen, 2001 ). The analytic and comparative effort allowed to integrate the two triads in three related pairs ( I-1 and I-2 ), ( B-1 and B-2 ), ( O-1 and O-2 ) between the state-built identities and their migration policies ( I-1 ) and the ways of identification-disidentification that the migrants-displaced-asylum seekers and refugees claim and negotiate ( I-2 ). Between the states border-crossing control ( B-1 ) and the unauthorized border crossing of the migrants-displaced-asylum seekers ( B-2 ). Between the states' power and the politics orders ( O-1) and the ways of political subjectivation from the migrants-displaced-asylum seekers and refugees (O-2 ). The IBO-1 triad corresponds to the border-crossing order of things and the IBO-2 triad to the potential challenge to that order via transborder citizenship emerging practices. In Chapters Four and Five, the previous analytical-comparative framework was applied in the Spain-Morocco and Colombia-Venezuela borders. In each case, the control and management migratory and border-crossing policies were analyzed taking into account three main aspects: identities production and classification, specially the political and civic identities. This is selectivity (Filter function); the frontierization practices, not only control and regulation but also the border-permeability function (Filter function), who can or cannot enter (citizens and non-citizens production ), taking into account the role of the States as well as their regional, global and local registry. In this dimension we talk about the border-crossing order of things. On the other hand, also in each case, the practices from the migrant, displaced, refugees, asylum seeker citizenships in other border games through de-frontierization practices; it is about authorized and unauthorized border-crossing agents and they answer to the Border Crossing Control but previously, they have been qualified and some identities have been attributed such as "irregulars", "illegals", "undesirables" and so on, against that, they answer de facto, claiming-verifying that "Any human being is illegal"; this through active processes of disidentification and disclassification, they will be rejecting, also de facto, their imputation as non-citizens; and in this process, they act as if they were citizens, in an equality verification as human beings and as a subject of universal law (Ranciére, 1999). Summarizing, these are "transborder citizenship emerging practices " from these migrant subjects alongside with their regional, global and local registry. In this analysis dimension, we talk about the (potential) challenge to the border-crossing order of things. Chapter Six gathers the compared analysis about the Spain-Morocco and Colombia-Venezuela borders. In this doctoral thesis, defining two case study was from the beginning the search for a comparative analysis that allowed addressing every case itself to give account of its own dynamics and evolution. From the particularities of the migration-displacement-asylum nexus in each border-crossing zone, there was an advance in a comparison, not as a migratory flows problem itself, but in its political articulations related to migration/border-crossing control and management politics and the citizenship practices. Actors and their political interactions related to their position in the face of borders. Borders are the matters of dispute that reconfigures constantly the concept of politics and the political Chapter Seven about conclusions was oriented to answer the question "How migrants, displaced people and refugees are constituted as political actors and are allowed to appeal to their community members condition? As exposed in the conclusions, in their transborder migrants condition and the democratization assertion from the borders, the transborder citizenship emerging practices take shape. Finally, we present some limitations, possible contributions from the doctoral thesis and some proposals for the future research development. The importance of contributing with studies that overcome the methodological nationalism and the internal focus was posed; also contributing to the methodological, epistemological and conceptual change in the borders, migrations and citizenship studies and strengthening a new epistemic community; and contribution to the ongoing research program about the relation between identity, borders and political orders in border-crossing zones. This analytical-comparative proposal pretends to be one step to the formation of a method or a theory about the comparative anthropology in the borders and periphery and more specifically, as the presentation of the border-crossing order of things and its challenge hypothesis. Therefore, the same questions that we have posed in this doctoral thesis could be asked concerning different borders and demarcation and policies regimes to perform compared works about how some borders are built and the migration processes that pass through it. A short-term future researching development could be addressing the migration-displacement-asylum nexus with a comparative analysis of the borders between Colombia and Venezuela and, Ecuador and Panama in the post-peace agreement transition process.
BASE
In: http://hdl.handle.net/10016/27815
En las últimas décadas Brasil se ha convertido en un país que a pesar de sus carencias supo salir adelante y hacer uso de sus recursos para expandirse y acrecentar su presencia en la esfera internacional. Por su dimensión geográfica, población y el peso de su economía, juega un papel fundamental especialmente en la región de América del Sur. Desde que se considera parte del grupo de países BRICS al ser una potencia emergente, ya se han ofrecido diversos marcos teóricos que buscan explicar este fenómeno. Han sido largos años de definición de programas y estrategias orientadas a transformar el país, para que hoy en día sea posible decir que ha logrado captar y retener el interés de la comunidad internacional. El delineamiento de sus políticas públicas para la ciencia, tecnología e innovación han influido sobre todo en la promoción de la investigación científica, en el desarrollo tecnológico y en los procesos de democratización de acceso y de internacionalización de la educación superior brasileña. En este contexto, la presente tesis doctoral se presenta como un estudio cienciométrico cuyo objetivo es analizar el impacto de tres de estas políticas públicas (Programa de Apoyo a los Planes de Reestructuración y Expansión de las universidades Federales, Programa Ciencia sin Fronteras y la Ley de la Innovación Tecnológica de 2004) en la actividad investigadora del sistema universitario brasileño, entre los años 2003-2015. Por ser un sistema heterogéneo, diversificado y segmentado, se profundiza en el caso de las 63 universidades federales. Para desarrollar el estudio se han analizado las políticas mencionadas para identificar sus objetivos y definir sus puntos comunes. Seguidamente se ha elaborado un marco analítico que permitió delimitar tres dimensiones: CRECIMIENTO, CALIDAD e INTERNACIONALIZACIÓN de la actividad científica, para cuya operacionalización se ha construido una matriz de indicadores de inputs y de outputs. Utilizando fuentes de información oficiales y bases de datos bibliográficas, en cada una de las dimensiones abordadas se han identificado las variables más relevantes utilizando test estadísticos descriptivos y multivariantes. Si bien el mayor aporte de la presente tesis es el desarrollo conceptual y metodológico, los resultados obtenidos permiten observar que el crecimiento y la intensidad de la actividad de las universidades federales, durante el período estudiado, ha sido exponencial (en términos de número de alumnos, becas de investigación, profesorado, instituciones creadas), al igual que su producción científica y tecnológica (publicaciones y patentes). En cuanto a la calidad, esta es creciente especialmente en la formación de recursos humanos, pero no tanto en su producción. Por su parte, el notable impulso a la internacionalización, también ha tenido resultados positivos en diferentes aspectos como la colaboración científica junto a centros extranjeros. Estos resultados evidencian que Brasil, y especialmente las universidades federales, han hecho un esfuerzo importante en pos de la mejora y actualización del sistema universitario que está empezando a dar sus frutos. Como conclusiones se puede apreciar que la expansión del sistema universitario brasileño y su entrada en la comunidad internacional ya se han producido, pero queda aún por dar un paso más hacia la mejora de la calidad. ; In recent decades, Brazil has become a country that, despite its shortcomings, has managed to move forward and make use of its resources to expand and increase its presence in the international sphere. Due to its geographical dimension, population and the weight of its economy, it plays a fundamental role especially in the South American region. Since it is considered part of the group of BRICS countries to be an emerging power, various theoretical frameworks that seek to explain this phenomenon have already been developed. There were long years of defining programs and strategies aimed at transforming the country, so that today it is possible to say that it has managed to capture and retain the interest of the international community. The delineation of its public policies for science, technology and innovation influenced, above all, the promotion of scientific research, technological development and the processes of democratization of access and internationalization of Brazilian higher education. In this context, the present doctoral thesis is presented as a scientometric study whose objective is to analyze the impact of three of these public policies (Program to Support the Restructuring and Expansion Plans of the Federal Universities, Science Without Borders Program and the Law of Technological Innovation of 2004) in the research activity of the Brazilian university system, between the years 2003-2015. As it is a heterogeneous, diversified and segmented system, the case of the 63 federal universities is detailed. The aforementioned policies were analyzed to identify their objectives and define their common points. Next, an analytical framework was elaborated that allowed to delimit three dimensions of the scientific activity: GROWTH, QUALITY and INTERNATIONALIZATION. A matrix of indicators of inputs and outputs was built. Using official information sources and bibliographic databases, in each of the dimensions the most relevant variables were identified using descriptive and multivariate statistical tests. Although the main contribution of this thesis is the conceptual and methodological development, the results obtained allow us to observe that the growth and intensity of the activity of the federal universities, during the period studied, was exponential (in terms of the number of students, research grants, teaching staff, institutions created), as well as its scientific and technological production (publications and patents). In terms of quality, this is growing especially in the training of human resources but not so much in their scientific production. The remarkable impulse to internationalization also had positive results in different aspects such as scientific collaboration with foreign research centers. These results show that Brazil, and especially the federal universities, made an important effort in order to improve and update the university system that is starting to give results. As conclusions can be seen that the expansion of the Brazilian university system and its entry into the international community have already occurred, but there is still one more step towards improving quality. ; Nas últimas décadas, o Brasil tornou-se um país que, apesar de suas deficiências, conseguiu avançar e fazer uso de seus recursos para expandir e aumentar sua presença na esfera internacional. Dada sua dimensão geográfica, população e peso da sua economia, esse país desempenha um papel fundamental, especialmente na região sul-americana. Desde que foi considerado parte do grupo BRICS de países emergentes, vários quadros teóricos já surgiram para explicar esse fenômeno. Foram longos anos de definição de programas e estratégias voltadas para a transformação do país de modo que, atualmente, é possível dizer que conseguiu-se capturar e reter o interesse da comunidade internacional. O delineamento de suas políticas públicas de ciência, tecnologia e inovação tem influenciado, sobretudo, a promoção da pesquisa científica, o desenvolvimento tecnológico e os processos de democratização do acesso e internacionalização da educação superior brasileira. Nesse contexto, a presente tese de doutorado apresenta-se como um estudo cientométrico cujo objetivo é analisar o impacto de três dessas políticas públicas (Programa de Apoio aos Planos de Reestruturação e Expansão das Universidades Federais, Programa Ciência sem Fronteiras e Lei de Inovação Tecnológica de 2004) na atividade de pesquisa do sistema universitário brasileiro, entre os anos 2003-2015. Por se tratar de um sistema heterogêneo, diversificado e segmentado, detalha-se no caso das 63 universidades federais. Para desenvolver o estudo, as políticas mencionadas foram analisadas para identificar seus objetivos e definir seus pontos comuns. Em seguida, elaborou-se um quadro analítico que permitiu delimitar três dimensões da atividade científica: CRESCIMENTO, QUALIDADE e INTERNACIONALIZAÇÃO. Para operacionalização, construiu-se uma matriz de indicadores de entradas (inputs) e saídas (outputs). Utilizando fontes de informação oficiais e bases de dados bibliográficas, em cada uma das dimensões abordadas, as variáveis mais relevantes foram identificadas por meio de testes estatísticos descritivos e multivariados. Embora a principal contribuição desta tese seja o desenvolvimento conceitual e metodológico, os resultados permitem observar que o crescimento e a intensidade da atividade das universidades federais, no período estudado, tem sido exponencial (em termos de número de alunos , bolsas de pesquisa, corpo docente, novas instituições criadas), bem como sua produção científica e tecnológica (publicações e patentes). Quanto à qualidade, observou-se que está crescendo, especialmente em quanto à formação de recursos humanos, mas não tanto na produção cientifica. Por outro lado, o notável impulso à internacionalização também teve resultados positivos em diferentes aspectos, como na colaboração científica com centros estrangeiros. Esses resultados mostram que o Brasil, e especialmente as universidades federais, fizeram um esforço importante para melhorar e atualizar o sistema universitário que está começando a dar frutos. Em conclusão, ressalta-se que a expansão do sistema universitário brasileiro e sua entrada na comunidade internacional já ocorreram, mas ainda faltam dar alguns passos no sentido de melhorar a qualidade. ; Esta investigación no habría podido concretarse sin la financiación de la beca de doctorado en el exterior otorgado por la agencia CAPES de Brasil (proceso n. 0846-13-9), y a la beca Iberoamérica Santander investigación 2016/2017. ; Programa Oficial de Doctorado en Documentación: Archivos y Bibliotecas en el Entorno Digital ; Presidente: José Carlos García Zorita.- Secretario: Carlos A. Suárez Balseiro.- Vocal: Leilah Santiago Bufrem
BASE
In: http://hdl.handle.net/11093/2213
La compleja tarea de entender el mundo perdura, cuando observamos la delicada relación que tiene el campo del diseño en el mundo actual. Al abordar cuestiones como el papel del diseñador en los días actuales, surgen ambigüedades como: diseño como producción material y diseño como producto del mercado. Cultura Material. Uno de los objetos de esta tesis es intentar identificar rasgos de la cultura española bajo el prisma de la producción material oriunda del surgimiento de la figura del diseñador en el proceso de la industrialización española: causas y efectos en la sociedad. La actuación del diseñador como componente imprescindible del avance industrial. "Gran parte de la literatura sobre diseño nos ha hecho creer que una de sus principales funciones es hacer cosas bellas. Muy pocos estudios sugieren que el diseño tiene que ver con la economía, con el lucro o con las ideas" (Forty, p.6). El diseñador ha servido de amalgama entre industria/mercado/ sociedad. Ha sido un verdadero conformador de sistemas que, en muchas ocasiones en la historia ha sido quien pudo atender las demandas de mercado pese a los constantes cambios sociales. Se intentará identificar el impacto del trabajo del diseñador -a través de su labor proyectual en la industria- en importantes cambios sociales como: la democratización de artículos de consumo, el aumento de la diversidad de productos, y además como una nueva manera de entender el mercado (Cardoso, p.86). La identidad profesional en el campo del diseño. Se pretende igualmente identificar la esencia de la profesión de diseñador: si este se define por sus objetos o bien por su proceso de trabajo. Se pudo observar que tal ambigüedad, ha amenazado con minar la identidad profesional de los profesionales de este campo. El que en la era moderna se caracterizó como guardián de los valores estéticos y del buen gusto, se ha visto desacreditado en medio a una sociedad donde esos valores carecen de importancia y ha perdido gran parte de la justificación social al actuar en diversos ámbitos de la industria como en otrora (Cardoso, p. 18). Actualmente ya no existe una única forma industria, sino muchas, con sus propias peculiaridades. En medio a tanta diversidad, ya no existe una necesidad por parte de la industria, de contar con un profesional que dicte normas estéticas preconcebidas, que fue el papel adjudicado al diseñador del modernismo. Pese a que siga existiendo la necesidad de unos mínimos de calidad en los productos, el mercado no recurre necesariamente al diseñador para cumplir estos requisitos (Cardoso, p.17). Crisis en el colectivo del diseño. Se intentará averiguar si efectivamente existe una crisis profesional, no respecto al individuo, sino al colectivo, dentro del campo del diseño. Individualmente, se han formado muchos diseñadores en escuelas de diseño, sin embargo se observa que el grupo de profesionales que tenía ideas en común, pasó a perder de vista el sentido del destino del colectivo dentro del campo (Cardoso, p.18) El papel del diseñador en un mundo tecnológico: de objetos físicos a digitales. Con los avances tecnológicos, se democratizaron las herramientas de trabajo intrínsecas a su profesión, haciendo cuestionar hasta qué punto se están valorando más las herramientas de trabajo, como los software, que el diseñador. En un mundo cada vez más "digital", se intentará identificar hacia dónde camina la profesión. Materialidad e Inmaterialidad en el ámbito del diseño. Abordar la complejidad de las competencias de los diseñadores de los días de hoy, posiblemente sea una herramienta que nos sirva de ayuda para intentar comprender la profesión de diseñador. Se intentará abrir una discusión sobre las áreas en las que actúa ese profesional: diseño emocional, de experiencia, servicios y diseño de interfaces, que son algunos de los ejemplos en donde aparentemente se aplica el diseño que no podemos "tocar", inmaterial (Martins y Cipiniuk, p.42). ; A complexa tarefa de entender o mundo perdura, cando observamos a delicada relación que ten o campo do deseño no mundo actual. Ao abordar cuestións como o papel do deseñador nos días actuais, xorden ambigüidades como: deseño como produción material e deseño como produto do mercado. Cultura Material. Un dos obxectos desta tese é intentar identificar trazos da cultura española baixo o prisma da produción material, fruto do xurdimento da figura do deseñador no proceso da industrialización española: causas e efectos na sociedade. A actuación do diseñador como compoñente imprescindible do avanzo industrial. "Gran parte da literatura sobre deseño fainos crer que unha das súas principais funcións é facer cousas belas. Moi poucos estudos suxiren que o deseño ten que ver coa economía, co lucro ou coas ideas" (Forty, p.6). O deseñador serviu de amalgama entre industria/mercado/sociedade. Ven sendo un verdadeiro conformador de sistemas que, en moitas ocasións na historia foi quen puido atender ás demandas do mercado pese aos constantes cambios sociais. Intentarase identificar o impacto do traballo do deseñador -a través do seu labor proxectual na industria- en importantes cambios sociais como: a democratización de artigos de consumo, o aumento da diversidade de produtos, e ademais como un novo xeito de entender o mercado (Cardoso, p.86). A identidade profesional no campo do deseño. Preténdese igualmente identificar a esencia da profesión de deseñador: si este defínese polos seus obxectos ou ben polo seu proceso de traballo. Púidose observar que tal ambigüidade, ameazou con mermar a identidade profesional dos profesionais deste campo. O que na era moderna caracterizouse como gardián dos valores estéticos e do bo gusto, viuse desacreditado no medio a unha sociedade onde eses valores carecen de importancia e perdeu gran parte da xustificación social ao actuar en diversos ámbitos da industria como en outrora (Cardoso, p.18). Actualmente xa non existe unha única forma industria, senón moitas, coas súas propias peculiaridades. No medio a tanta diversidade, xa non existe unha necesidade por parte da industria, de contar cun profesional que dite normas estéticas preconcibidas, que fora o papel adxudicado ao deseñador. Pese a que siga existindo a necesidade duns mínimos de calidade nos produtos, o mercado non recorre necesariamente ao deseñador para cumprir estes requisitos (Cardoso, p.17). Crise no colectivo do deseño. Intentarase pescudar si efectivamente existe unha crise profesional, non respecto ao individuo, senón ao colectivo, dentro do campo do deseño. Individualmente, formáronse moitos deseñadores en escolas de deseño, con todo obsérvase que o grupo de profesionais que tiña ideas en común, pasou a perder de vista o sentido do destino do colectivo dentro do campo (Cardoso, p.18) O papel do deseñador nun mundo tecnolóxico: de obxectos físicos a dixitais. Cos avances tecnolóxicos, democratizáronse as ferramentas de traballo intrínsecas á súa profesión, facendo *cuestionar ata que punto estanse valorando máis as ferramentas de traballo, como os softwares, que o deseñador. Nun mundo cada vez máis dixital, intentarase identificar cara a onde camiña a profesión. Materialidade e Imaterialidade no ámbito do deseño. Abordar a complexidade das competencias dos deseñadores dos días de hoxe, posiblemente sexa unha ferramenta que nos sirva de axuda para intentar comprender a profesión de deseñador. Intentarase abrir unha discusión sobre as áreas nas que actúa ese profesional: deseño emocional, de experiencia, servizos e deseño de interfaces, que son algúns dos exemplos onde aparentemente aplícase o deseño que non podemos tocar, imaterial (Martins e Cipiniuk, p.42). ; The complex task of understanding the world lasts, when we observe the delicate relation that the design field has in the world today. In dealing with issues such as the role of the designer in these days, there are ambiguities such as: design as material production and design as a product from the market. Material Culture. One of the objects of this thesis is try to identify features of Spanish culture under the prism of material production originating from the emergence of the designer figure in the process of Spanish industrialization: causes and effects in society. The designer performance as an essential piece in the industrial growth. "Most of the design literature (…) would have us suppose that the main function of design is to make beautiful things. A few studies suggest that (…) design has to do with profit or ideas" (Forty, p.6). The designer has served as an amalgam between industry / market / society. He has been a true shaper of systems that, in many occasions in history, has been able to attend to the market's demands despite of constant social changes. This thesis will attempt to identify the impact of the designer's work - through his work in the industry - on important social changes such as the democratization of consumer goods, the increase of products diversity, and also as a new way of understanding the Market (Cardoso, p.86). The professional identity in the design field. It is also intended to identify the core of the designer profession: whether it is defined by its objects or by its work process. It was noted that such ambiguity has threatened to undermining the professional identity in this field. Who, in the modern era, was the guardian of aesthetic values and good taste, has been discredited in the midst of a society whose values are not important and has lost much of the social justification by acting in several areas of the Industry as in the past (Cardoso, p.18). Nowadays, there is no single industry, but many, with its own peculiarities. In the midst of so much diversity, there is no longer need from the industry, to have a professional who dictates preconceived aesthetic standards, which once was the role of the designer. Even though the need of quality in products still remains, the market does not necessarily use the designer to meet these requirements (Cardoso, p.17). A collective crisis in the design field. Efforts will be made to find out if there is a professional crisis, not with the individual, but with the collective, within the field of design. Individually, many designers have been graduated from design schools, however it is observed that the group of professionals who once had ideas in common, have happened to lose the sense of where the collective was going into the design field (Cardoso, p.18). The role of the designer in a technological world: from physical to digital objects. With technological advances, the important professional work tools were democratized, and it makes us to wonder if the tools –like software- are being more valued than the designer itself. In an increasingly "digital" world, an attempt will be made to identify where the profession is heading. Materiality and Immateriality in the design field. Addressing the complexity of the today's designers skills is a possibly tool that will helps us to understand the profession of designer. We will try to open a discussion about the areas in which that professional acts: emotional design, experience, services and interface design, which are some of the examples in which the design cannot be "touched" (Martins and Cipiniuk, p. 42).
BASE
In: http://hdl.handle.net/10396/18800
La presente tesis tiene por objetivo generar un sistema de indicador de sustentabilidad a fin de evaluar la sostenibilidad económica, social y ambiental de la producción, organización y de comercialización desde una triple perspectiva: Agroecológica, Economía Social Solidaria y Economía de los Bienes Comunes. Además, también de formular una alternativa al Sistema Agroalimentario (SAG) actual, que tenga como base la agroecología, la ESS y la EBC. Para eso, como punto de partida, se ha hecho una breve introducción y justificación, del contexto en el que se desarrolla la investigación. Para abordar los objetivos propuestos, el presente trabajo se centra en la utilización de una perspectiva metodológica participativa, en la que se combina enfoque cualitativo (Taylor y Bogdan, 1987; Cuenya & Ruetti, 2010) con cuantitativo (Galeano, 2004:24), para adecuarse a la investigación y a fin de llegar a los objetivos planteados. El uso simultáneo de estas metodologías se llevó a cabo a través de un proceso continuado de construcción del objeto de estudio. Para el enfoque cualitativo se eligió el método de estudio de caso (Yin, 2015), a través de técnicas de investigación social, desde un enfoque cualitativo, inductivo y descriptivo. Para eso fueron realizadas las investigaciones en las cooperativas de la Asociación de los Agricultores Ecologistas de Ipê y Antonio Prado (AECIA), Grupo de Agroecología ECONORTE, Cooperativa de Irituia y en la Cooperativa Mista de la Agricultura Familiar de Marabá (COOMFAMA) por su representatividad. En el enfoque cuantitativo fue utilizada una integración entre distintos métodos de análisis multicriterio y herramientas, a fin de obtener un sistema de indicadores de sustentabilidad basados en la triple perspectiva. Para obtener esos indicadores, en primer lugar, se elaboró una selección de los datos obtenidos en la primera parte de la investigación, junto a los agricultores participantes en la investigación, con la que se formó un conjunto preliminar de varios PCI, a través del previo análisis de grupos ya existentes, creados en su momento para evaluar la sostenibilidad. Se consideraron los siguientes sistemas de indicadores: sistema de indicadores para una política de distribución sostenible de frutas y verduras ecológicas (Begiristain Zubillaga, 2018), el Sistema Finca-Hogar (Lucero, 2016) y MESMI (Masera et al, 1999). Los sistemas citados se agruparon, eliminándose por otra parte los PCI ya que evidentemente no aportaban nada significativo al sistema de indicadores propuesto; así como también fueron eliminados los elementos repetitivos. Asimismo, se adecuó el lenguaje de la redacción, al contexto de la agroecología, la ESS y la EBC. Seguidamente, el conjunto preliminar resultante se sometió a una evaluación, por parte de expertos en el área. Una vez elaboradas las evaluaciones por partes de estos expertos, se abrió un debate sobre los resultados, para la obtención definitiva de los PCI genéricos, que pudieran servir posteriormente para generar una lista específica, aplicable al sistema de indicadores necesario. De este debate se generó un PCI definitivo. Al considerar nuevamente el marco conceptual, y enriquecerlo con referencias a experiencias en PCI y a revisiones de información, se logró definir al menos un verificador recomendado para cada indicador. A partir de ese método de indicadores de sostenibilidad, se obtuvieron 3 principios, 8 criterios y 39 indicadores para evaluar la sustentabilidad, que sirvieron para evaluar a las distintas organizaciones. Así mismo, se utilizó la metodología del caso para el contraste empírico del sistema de indicadores propuesto. Para alcanzar el objetivo de formular una alternativa al SAG actual, primero fue hecho una problematización de SAG Mundial y en Brasil, un análisis de los conceptos existentes, e introduciremos una contextualización histórica; tanto a nivel global, como del ámbito de Brasil; con el objeto de generar herramientas que nos permitan discutir, sobre los problemas económicos, sociales, sanitarios y ambientales, ocasionados por el actual SAG. También, se proponen las posibles alternativas al mismo dentro de un SAG con bases en la Agroecología, ESS y EBC. Para eso fue hecho para cada uno de ellos un análisis de conceptos, histórico y su relación con las dimensiones ecológicas, productivas, sociopolíticas, culturales y socioeconómicas para el cambio del SAG. Para obtener los resultados del objetivo de los sistemas de indicadores, observaremos los datos obtenidos en cada una de las experiencias, tanto en la primera fase de la investigación (donde analizamos sus producciones, certificaciones, formas de comercializaciones adoptadas, ESS y EBC); como también en la segunda parte, en que fue hecha la evaluación de los indicadores de sostenibilidad. Los resultados encontrados en la AECIA en relación con los indicadores de sostenibilidad, la experiencia presenta sus fortalezas en la soberanía alimentaria y en la democratización y una debilidad mayor en la economía de los cuidados. En la ECONORTE, la experiencia presenta fortalezas y debilidades que causan que los indicadores de sostenibilidad de la experiencia necesiten de mejoras para que se obtengan unos mejores resultados a medio y largo plazos. La Cooperativa de Irituia, presenta una sustentabilidad mediana, debido principalmente a los problemas apuntados en algunos criterios, haciendo que sea necesaria la adopción de los cambios sugeridos, para que en una próxima evaluación tengamos mejores resultados. Para la COOMFAM los resultados encontrados muestran pequeñas fortalezas y muchas debilidades con relación a los indicadores de sostenibilidad en esta experiencia. La conclusión encontrada, en primer lugar, es que en el sistema de indicadores ha conseguido evaluarse de forma satisfactoria la experiencia, teniendo capacidad de ser utilizado en otras experiencias. También se concluye que los resultados obtenidos con este sistema de indicadores demuestran que las experiencias están desarrollando distintos grados de sustentabilidad dentro de los principios de la Agroecología, Economía Social Solidaria y Economía de los Bienes Comunes. Basado en estos resultados fue posible formular recomendaciones y sugestiones para la mejora de los indicadores de sostenibilidad de cada una de ellas. Además, esta investigación corrobora con la idea de que es necesaria la construcción de un Sistema Agroalimentario de base agroecológica, ESS y EBC para conseguir cambiar el actual SAG. ; This thesis aims to generate a system of sustainability indicator in order to evaluate the economic, social and environmental sustainability of production, organization and marketing from a triple perspective: Agroecological, Social Solidarity Economy and Economy of Common Goods. In addition, also to formulate an alternative to the current Agrifood System (SAG), which is based on agroecology, ESS and EBC. For this, as a starting point, a brief introduction and justification has been made from the context in which the research is carried out. To address the proposed objectives, this paper focuses on the use of a participatory methodological perspective, in which qualitative approach is combined (Taylor and Bogdan, 1987, Cuenya & Ruetti, 2010) with quantitative (Galeano, 2004: 24), to adapt to the research and in order to reach the proposed objectives. The simultaneous use of these methodologies was carried out through a continuous process of construction of the object of study. For the qualitative approach, the case study method was chosen (Yin, 2015), through social research techniques, from a qualitative, inductive and descriptive approach. For this, research was carried out in the cooperatives of the Association of Ecological Farmers of Ipê and Antonio Prado (AECIA), Agroecology Group ECONORTE, Cooperative de Irituia and Cooperative Mista de la Agricultura Familiar de Marabá (COOMFAMA) for their representativeness. In the quantitative approach, an integration was achieved between the different methods of multicriteria analysis and tools, in order to obtain a system of sustainability indicators in the triple perspective. To obtain these indicators, first, a selection of the data obtained in the first part of the investigation was elaborated, together with the farmers participating in the research, with which a preliminary set of several PCI was formed, through the previous analysis of existing groups, created at the time to evaluate sustainability. The following indicator system was considered: system of indicators for the sustainable distribution of organic fruits and vegetables (Begiristain Zubillaga, 2018), the Farm-House System (Lucero, 2016) and MESMI (Masera et al, 1999). The systems were grouped, on the other hand they eliminated the PCI that evidently did not contribute anything to proposed system of indicators; as well as the repetitive elements were eliminated. Also, the language of the writing, the context of agroecology, the ESS and the EBC were adapted. At once, the previous preliminary set was subjected to an evaluation, by experts in the area. Once the evaluations have been prepared by the experts, a debate on the results was opened, for the definitive procurement of PCI generics, that could be used to generate a specific list, applicable to the system of necessary indicators. From this debate a definitive PCI was generated. By considering the conceptual framework again and enriching with references to experiences in PCI and information reviews, it was possible to define a verifier for each indicator. Based on this method of sustainability indicators, 3 principles, 8 criteria and 39 indicators were obtained to assess sustainability, that served to evaluate the different organizations. Likewise, the case methodology has been used for the empirical contrast of the system of proposed indicators. To achieve the objective of formulating an alternative to the current SAG, first the global problematization was made and in Brazil, the analysis of the existing concepts and the introduction of a historical contextualization; both globally and at the Brazilian level; Generate tools that give us the opportunity to discuss, about the economic, social, health and environmental problems caused by the current SAG. Also, possible alternatives to it are proposed within a SAG with bases in Agroecology, ESS and EBC. For that purpose, an analysis of concepts, historical and its relationship with the ecological, productive, sociopolitical, cultural and socioeconomic dimensions for the change of the SAG was made for each of them. To obtain the results of the indicator system objective, the data obtained in each of the experiences was observed, both in the first phase of the investigation (where we analyze your productions, certifications, commercialization forms, ESS and EBC); as well as in the second part, in which the evaluation of sustainability indicators was made. The results found in the AECIA in relation to sustainability indicators, the experience presents its strengths in food sovereignty and democratization and a greater weakness in the care economy. In the ECONORTE, the experience has strengths and weaknesses that make the sustainability indicators of the experience need improvements to obtain better results in the medium and long term. The Cooperative de Irituia, presents a medium sustainability, due to the problems noted in some criteria, making the adoption of the suggested changes necessary, so that in a future evaluation we have better results. For COOMFAM, the results show small strengths and many weaknesses in relation to sustainability indicators in this experience. The conclusion found first is that in the system of indicators it has managed to satisfactorily evaluate the experience, being able to be used in other experiences. It is also concluded that the results obtained with this system of indicators show that the experiences are developing different degrees of sustainability within the principles of Agroecology, Social Solidarity Economy and Economy of Common Goods. Based on these results, it was possible to formulate recommendations and suggestions for the improvement of the sustainability indicators of each one of them. In addition, this research corroborates with the idea that it is necessary to build an agroecological system based on agroecology, ESS and EBC in order to change the current SAG.
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In: http://hdl.handle.net/10016/28670
Esta tesis doctoral investiga la imagen exterior de España proyectada en el periodismo turístico y de viajes desde 1970 hasta 2015. En el desarrollo de la investigación, se ha seleccionado y analizado de manera sistemática, exhaustiva y comparada uno de los principales medios representativos de ese tipo de periodismo a nivel internacional y que forma parte esencial de lo que han venido a llamarse "geografías populares", como son las revistas de contenido geográfico dirigidas al gran público. En este sentido, la investigación planteada no pretende ni desdeñar la importancia de otros medios representativos de este género periodístico, tales como las guías de viaje, sitios web o canales de televisión especializados, ni las interfaces tecnológicas en las que en un plano más general se desarrollan las geografías culturales (véase Aguilar, 2014, Kinsley, 2015). En concreto, la tesis centra su atención en las revistas que para el período considerado han tenido mayor alcance y difusión en los Estados Unidos, el Reino Unido y Francia, tres países de especial relevancia para la política y el mercado turísticos españoles. Para el caso estadounidense se estudia el National Geographic Traveler en comparación con su revista matriz, el National Geographic Magazine1, para el británico The Geographical Magazine y para el francés la revista GEO en su edición francesa. Estas revistas se denominarán en adelante de la siguiente forma: National Geographic Magazine como NGM, National Geographic Traveler como NGT y The Geographical Magazine como TGM (aunque en la actualidad se llama Geographical, en esta investigación el acrónimo se ha planteado a partir del nombre inicial). Finalmente, la revista francesa GEO será identificada sin acrónimo, es decir, como GEO. Las revistas de geografía popular, así como otros medios análogos, surgieron al amparo de la creciente generalización social del fenómeno turístico, contribuyendo poderosamente a modelar la imagen pública de la geografía en sus respectivos países y, de manera más amplia, la forma de percibir el mundo, sus culturas y paisajes por parte de sus numerosos lectores. La gran mayoría de las revistas de geografía popular se inspiran en buena parte en el modelo seguido por el NGM, el ejemplo más conocido y difundido, así como el principal referente internacional desde hace más de un siglo, tanto en el campo del fotoperiodismo, como en el de la divulgación científica de carácter geográfico. El NGM y NGT se publican en los Estados Unidos desde 1888 y 1984, respectivamente. Sendas revistas se editan por la National Geographic Society (en adelante, NGS), cuya sede se encuentra en Washington D.C. Por su parte, el TGM (que desde 1988 pasó a llamarse Geographical), se publica en el Reino Unido desde su fundación en 1935 y se encuentra amparado por la Royal Geographical Society (en adelante, RGS), cuya sede se localiza en el barrio londinense de Kensington. Por último, la versión francesa de GEO se crea en 1979, aunque esta publicación se funda en Alemania tres años antes. Al contrario que los casos anteriores, GEO no cuenta con el respaldo de ninguna sociedad geográfica francesa. La presente tesis doctoral analiza las imágenes y representaciones de España que se han transmitido a través de las revistas de geografía popular señaladas, todas ellas de periodicidad mensual o bimensual. El análisis se focaliza en la retórica textual y visual sobre España comunicada fundamentalmente a través de textos y fotografías, pero también de mapas y gráficos. En sintonía con otros trabajos previos sobre este tipo de publicaciones (por ejemplo, García Álvarez et al., 2013 y García Álvarez y Marías, 2013), este estudio se realiza con dos objetivos fundamentales. De un lado, para contribuir al conocimiento del periodismo turístico y de viajes, así como al enriquecimiento de la historia de la geografía de carácter popular o divulgativo. Esta última ha sido mucho menos estudiada tradicionalmente que la llamada geografía académica y, sin embargo, ha sido notablemente más influyente que la anterior en la conformación de la imagen púbica de la disciplina geográfica en ciertos aspectos y territorios. De otro lado, y tanto o más importante que el anterior, para ampliar el conocimiento de la imagen reciente de España y de los españoles en el extranjero, particularmente en los Estados Unidos, el Reino Unido y Francia. Esta es una cuestión sin duda relevante a la hora de considerar y comprender determinadas visiones y estereotipos con consecuencias significativas en los terrenos ideológico, cultural, económico, e incluso geopolítico. Asimismo, la imagen exterior, geográfica y viajera de un país no solo refleja las ideas, los intereses y las percepciones dominantes en cada momento, sino que también influye significativamente en las actitudes ejercidas sobre ese país en el exterior. La tesis doctoral indaga en los procesos de continuidad y ruptura de los imaginarios exteriores sobre España en las citadas revistas desde una perspectiva geográfica. Es decir, analizando la génesis, pervivencia y evolución de estereotipos acerca de los paisajes, tradiciones y tipos humanos españoles a través de la mirada del extranjero. Estos estereotipos que atraen el interés del visitante, cuanto más simplistas, han resultado más efectivos. Aunque no son falsos sino incompletos, los estereotipos pueden actuar como reclamos de la industria turística, pero también dar lugar a simplificaciones y distorsiones que, por lo general, estigmatizan o idealizan en exceso a una determinada sociedad. En el terreno aplicado, y en especial en relación con la política turística, este tipo de investigación puede ser importante porque el conocimiento de las imágenes, tanto negativas como positivas, que sobre España mantienen los medios extranjeros, posibilita generar nuevas estrategias de posicionamiento en los mercados, sin dejar por ello de respetar plenamente la proyección y divulgación de la cultura española y de revalorizar los atractivos turísticos del país. En definitiva, ampliar el estudio de las perspectivas desde las cuales se imagina y se percibe España desde el exterior incrementa la confianza del país en determinadas esferas, como el ámbito político y económico, así como posibles flujos de inversiones extranjeras. ; This Ph.D. dissertation studies the external image of Spain depicted in the touristic and travel journalism from 1970 to 2015. In the course of the research, one of the most representative examples of that kind of journalism internationally has been systematically, exhaustively, and comparatively analyzed. That is to say, the so-called "popular geographies" magazines, which mainly target a general audience. In this regard, this research does not intend to discard the undoubted relevance of other representative examples within this journalist genre, such as travel guides, websites, or television channels specialized in travels, nor does it with respect to other generalist interfaces developing or reinforcing the so-called "cultural geographies" (see Aguilar, 2014, Kinsley, 2015). More specifically, this doctoral thesis focuses on those far-reaching magazines with a great diffusion within the period considered in the USA, UK, and France, three countries of special relevance for the Spanish tourist market and policy. As for the USA, the National Geographic Traveler is studied in comparison to its parent 20 magazine, the National Geographic Magazine2, while The Geographical Magazine and GEO are respectively examined for the case of UK and France. Hereafter, these magazines will be referred as follows: National Geographic Magazine as NGM, National Geographic Traveler as NGT, and The Geographical Magazine as TGM (though its current name is Geographical, this study uses the acronym raised from the original name). Finally, the French magazine, GEO, will be identified without any acronym as GEO. The popular geographical magazines, as well as other similar mass media, emerged in the frame of an increasing socialization or democratization of the tourism phenomenon, contributing this way to shape the public image of Geography respectively in each country and, more broadly, influencing the way many readers view and understand the world, its cultures, and environments. The majority of the popular geographical magazines were largely inspired in the model followed by the NGM, the best known and most divulgated, as well as the most prominent international reference for more than a century, both in the field of photojournalism and in the scientific dissemination of geography. The NGM and the NGT have been published in the USA since 1888 and 1984 respectively to nowadays. Both magazines have always been edited by the National Geographic Society (henceforth, NGS), whose headquarters are based in Washington D.C. For its part, the TGM (which came to be called Geographical since 1988), has been published in the UK since its foundation in 1935 and is operating under the umbrella of the Royal Geographical Society (hereafter, RGS), whose headquarters are located in the London neighborhood of Kensington. Finally, the French version of GEO was created in 1979, although this magazine had already been launched in Germany three years before. Contrary to the previous cases, GEO has never had the support of any French geographical society. In this regard, this doctoral thesis examines the images and representations of Spain transmitted through the aforementioned popular geographical magazines, all of them with a monthly or bimonthly frequency. The analysis focuses on the textual and visual rhetoric on Spain transmitted through texts and pictures, but also through maps and graphics. In line with previous papers on this topic (for instance, García Álvarez et al., 2013 and García Álvarez and Marías, 2013), this study seeks to fulfill two main objectives. Firstly, contributing to gaining an understanding of tourism and travel journalism, as well as enriching the history of the popular geography. The latter has traditionally been much less studied than academic geography and, nonetheless, it has exerted a greater impact than the scholarly one on the public image of geography in some respects, societies, and territories. Secondly, and equally important than the first point, enhancing the knowledge of Spain and the Spaniards recent image in the USA, the UK and France. This is an undoubtedly important question to address when it comes to considering, and better understanding, certain views and stereotypes that greatly influence the ideological, cultural, economic, and even geopolitical realm. Additionally, the outer geographical and travel images of a given country not only reflect the dominant ideas, interests, and perceptions in a specific moment, but they also influence the attitudes and policies toward that country from abroad. This research also goes deep into the processes of rupture and continuity of the Spanish external imaginary. That is to say, analyzing the genesis, the continued existence, and the evolution of those stereotypes concerning the Spanish environments, traditions, and human types through foreign viewpoints. The simpler the stereotypes for attracting the visitor's interest are, the more effective they proved to be. Although not false, but incomplete, these stereotypes might operate as tourist appeals, but they might also lead to simplifications and distortions that excessively stigmatize or idealize a given society. Furthermore, in the applied field, and specially in relation to the tourist policy, this research could be important because an accurate knowledge of both the positive and negative images about Spain conveyed by foreign mass media enables to assess and design new positioning strategies within the markets. At the same time, while fully respecting the Spanish culture projection and outreach, it also might help to revalue the tourism attractions of the country. In summary, by broadening the scope of analysis of the foreign perspectives from where Spain is imagined and perceived this research could increase the country's confidence in the political and the economic realm, as well as to pave the way for attracting future fluxes of foreign investments. ; Programa de Doctorado en Humanidades por la Universidad Carlos III de Madrid ; Presidente: Nicolás Ortega Cantero.- Secretario: Guillermo Morales Matos.- Vocal: João Carlos Dos Santos García
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Como se había mencionado en la editorial anterior (López-López, 2015), el libro de Suber (2015) es una contribución significativa para aclarar los límites y alcances del acceso abierto (OA) y permite decantar confusiones e impresiones que prevalecen en nuestras comunidades que no están preparadas para los cambios tan acelerados que las nuevas dinámicas de producción y comunicación académica están generando (Gallegos, Berra, Benito, & López-López, 2014). Suber (2015) plantea como el acceso abierto surge bajo un conjunto de motivaciones que influyeron en su desarrollo. Estas motivaciones son: 1. El incremento desmedido de los precios de las revistas científicas con lo cual se ha dificultado el acceso al conocimiento, generando mayor inequidad y profundizando además paradojas perversas como que en países pobres se produce conocimiento al que luego no puede accederse por no poder pagar las revistas donde se publica. Este punto es crítico para las sociedades o las bibliotecas que cuentan con presupuestos limitados para acceso a bases de datos o países que en consorcio buscan comprar colecciones relevantes para sus infraestructuras de conocimiento; las brechas generadas por los costos afectan a todos los investigadores y más a los que tiene mayores restricciones económicas ampliando la inequidad y brechas, disminuyendo la posibilidad de construir redes de colaboración por las asimetrías generadas. Es bueno anotar que el incremento de precios suele ser mayor en forma considerable que los indicadores de inflación y los presupuestos de las instituciones. 2. Las grandes editoriales suelen vender paquetes de revistas (Big deals) de múltiples calidades impidiendo así que se negocie en relación con las revistas que son necesarias estratégicamente por una institución y se suele castigar con un precio las cancelaciones a títulos que son de baja circulación o calidad. Y peor aún, las casas editoriales suelen suscribir cláusulas de confidencialidad en relación con los precios y las condiciones de negocio lo que impide tener negociaciones con más transparencia sobre la compra de los mencionados paquetes incluso con instituciones cercanas. 3. Las restricciones por precio generan limitaciones de acceso pues se impide la reproducción de los contenidos a todos los niveles, desde la formación terminando en la investigación propiamente dicha. Además ni siquiera hoy las bibliotecas pueden ser dueñas de lo que han pagado en el pasado, hoy estas solo pueden "arrendar" la información y se impide la migración de contenidos anteriores así se haya pagado por ellos. 4. Un agravante adicional es que en el mundo entero los investigadores ceden los derechos de publicación a las editoriales y estas se quedan con la propiedad de los contenidos. Éstos deben ser adquiridos por altos costos por los propios investigadores, sus instituciones y bibliotecas e incluso por los organismos financiadores. La mayor parte de la financiación de la investigación se genera de entidades estatales con dinero público, incluso, en universidades privadas aunque éstas los financien con dinero privado es absurdo que ellas mismas no puedan pagar de nuevo las cifras desproporcionadas que cobran algunas de estas editoriales. 5. Estas empresas de intermediación de conocimiento provocan además escasez artificial al restringir los accesos debido a los costos. Es así como los modelos de acceso abierto evidentemente pueden disminuir los costos o por lo menos tratar de tenerlos bajo la inflación o bajo los costos reales razonables, incluida la utilidad de producción. Pero es claro como se dijo antes que, en cualquier forma, la investigación que se financia con recursos públicos debe tener una condición de acceso como bien público y es por esta intervención directa que no es razonable pretender que el acceso abierto opere "interfiriendo el libre mercado". 6. Las revistas de acceso abierto están compitiendo en primer lugar por autores y artículos de la mejor calidad y en segundo lugar están interesadas en que esta calidad se refleje en diversos usos y no pretende competir o interferir en los mercados de las revistas de pago. Es por esto que el OA busca en forma prioritaria que la evaluación por pares garantice la calidad de los contenidos. Incluso muchas revistas de pago pueden incrementar sus márgenes de ganancia con el incremento de las tasas de rechazo. 7. La falta de conocimiento sobre lo que es el acceso abierto e incluso los proceso de comunicación y circulación del conocimiento por parte de investigadores, bibliotecarios y diversos actores de las cadenas de producción y circulación de conocimiento, suele ser usado por algunas de estas empresas para incrementar costos e incluso en incurrir en asuntos éticos. 8. Todas las estimaciones de crecimiento de la producción científica muestran que al parecer el negocio de las editoriales y revistas privadas seguirá creciendo con la consecuente imposibilidad de acceder al contenido bajo los modelos de negocio y no solo es necesario sino conveniente que el acceso abierto se desarrolle y crezca. 9. Desde el 2004, anota Suber (2015), Thomson Scientific identificó que es sus diferentes temáticas entre las revistas de más impacto hay buen crecimiento constante de revistas de Acceso Abierto lo cual es muy relevante por cuanto estás apenas están arrancando y deben competir con revistas de muy larga trayectoria. Por último, es necesario diferenciar los repositorios de acceso abierto de las revistas y documentos que pasaron por revisión de pares. Es necesario aclarar que hoy los repositorios incluyen todo tipo de contenidos y algunos han denominado "depósitos oscuros" que no exigen la evaluación de pares. Debido a esto se puede diferenciar en OA oro y OA verde. El primero se refiere al acceso abierto de las revistas sin tener en cuenta el modelo de negocio y el OA verde al que es facilitado por los repositorios y se entiende como un "auto archivo a la práctica de depositar un trabajo propio en un repositorio de OA". Estos términos permiten diferenciar el tipo de acceso abierto y las consecuencias de cada uno y es probable que se introduzcan nuevos términos que permitan diferenciar y aclarar más el acceso abierto. En definitiva el libro de Suber (2015) será un recurso obligado de consulta para quienes sigamos comprometidos con el acceso abierto, porque entendemos las implicaciones políticas y económicas de inclusión y democratización de acceso al conocimiento que tienen en especial países como el nuestro en el que la inversión en ciencia y educación es escaso. ; As mentioned in the previous editorial (López-López, 2015), Suber's (2015) book is a significant contribution that we can use to clarify the limits and the scope of Open Access (OA), and it is also helpful in explaining confusions and inaccuracies that are widespread in our communities, which are not quite ready to face the accelerated changes that are being generated by the new dynamics of scientific output and communication (Gallegos, Berra, Benito, & López-López, 2014). Suber (2015) states that OA emerges in the context of motivating circumstances. These are: 1) The overwhelming increase in the fees of scientific journals, which has made access to knowledge more difficult. This has created more inequality and has deepened perverse paradoxes, such as the fact that poor countries produce knowledge that they cannot later access due to the inability to pay those exorbitant fees. This issue is critical for societies or libraries that have limited budgets to pay for access to databases, or countries looking to purchase relevant collections for their knowledge infrastructures, in association. The gaps created by high costs have an effect on the whole research community, and more so on those with worse economic restrictions. The resulting asymmetries make it harder to build collaboration networks. It is worth noting that the increase in those fees is often (much) higher than inflation indicators and the corresponding increases in institutional budgets. 2) The main publishing houses often sell journal packages (Big deals), consisting of journals of varying quality. This prevents negotiation of the journals that are strategically necessary for an institution, and cancelling subscriptions to low quality or low circulation journals is often punished with a premium. Even worse, publishers often subscribe confidentiality clauses with regards to prices and business conditions, which fosters a lack of transparency in the purchase of the aforementioned packages. 3) Price restrictions create access limitations, because the reproduction of contents is forbidden at every level – from basic training all the way to research proper. Besides, nowadays not even libraries own what they have paid for in the past. They can only "rent" the information, and migration of previous content is prevented, even if it has been purchased in the past. 4) An additional problem is that researchers transfer their publication rights to the publishing houses and these keep property rights over the contents. These contents must then be purchased by researchers, their institutions, libraries and even supporting entities, at a high cost. Most funding for research is provided by government/state institutions with public monies, and sometimes not even private universities are able to afford the disproportionate fees charged by some of these publishers. 5) These middlemen companies also create artificial scarcity by restricting access due to costs. As such, OA models can reduce those fees or at least they can try to keep them under inflation or real reasonable costs, including profit. But clearly, as said before, it should be possible to access research funded with public resources in the same way other public goods are accessed. For this reason, it is not reasonable to say that OA operates by "interfering with the free market". 6) OA journals are competing for top quality authors and papers, and they are interested in getting this quality to reflect on different usages – they do not intend to compete or interfere with the paid journal market. Therefore, OA seeks that peer-review processes can guarantee the quality of its content. Many paid journals can actually increase their profit margins by increasing rejection rates. 7) A lack of knowledge of OA and even communication and circulation processes on the part of researchers, librarians and other actors in the production and circulation chains is often used by some of these companies to increase costs and even to engage in unethical practices. 8) All estimations of scientific output growth seem to show that the publishing business will continue to grow, with the corresponding impossibility of accessing contents under the current business model. It is therefore convenient and necessary that OA continues to develop and grow. 9) Since 2004, according to Suber (2015), Thomson Scientific identified a continued growth of OA journals in terms of impact, which is relevant since they are still young and must compete with journals with longer lifespans. Finally, we need to differentiate OA and peer-reviewed document repositories. Nowadays, repositories cover all sorts of content, and some which do not require peer review are called "dark repositories". Gold OA, therefore, is Open Access with no regard for the business model, and Green OA is a self-archiving practice of placing one's work into an OA repository. These terms enable us to differentiate the types of OA and their associated consequences – more such terms may be introduced in the future to clarify different models. In summary, Suber's (2015) book will be a mandatory resource for those who are still committed to OA, because we understand the political and economical implications of inclusion and democratization of access to knowledge, especially in countries such as ours, where investment in science and education is scarce.
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La Cuarta Conferencia Mundial de la Mujer (la "Conferencia de Beijing") fue un acontecimiento histórico desde el punto de vista de las políticas, pues en ella se estableció un marco mundial de políticas para hacer progresar la igualdad de género. Trascurridos 10 años desde la Conferencia de Beijing, en marzo de 2005, la Comisión de la Condición Jurídica y Social de la Mujer de las Naciones Unidas presidió una reunión intergubernamental que tuvo lugar en Nueva York para examinar los avances alcanzados en el cumplimiento de los compromisos adquiridos en virtud de la Declaración de Beijing y la Plataforma de Acción. Este acontecimiento, conocido como "Beijing +10", tuvo un perfil decididamente bajo. Su meta no era definir una agenda, sino confirmar la agenda existente; no se proponía formular políticas, sino afirmar las existentes. La pregunta que se hacen muchos movimientos femeninos internacionales es si este evento forma parte de un esfuerzo mundial en curso a favor de la igualdad de género o si señala el deterioro de este proceso. En el presente trabajo, que se alimenta de la investigación que se hiciera para el informe de UNRISD titulado Igualdad de género: La lucha por la justicia en un mundo desigual, se reflexiona sobre la historia ambivalente de los avances que han logrado las mujeres en las últimas décadas y se examina la forma en que el entorno de políticas ha cambiado durante todo el tiempo transcurrido desde que se celebrara el evento que ha constituido el punto culminante de los movimientos femeninos mundiales. A partir de una serie de indicadores utilizados comúnmente para medir el "avance de la mujer", el documento sostiene que el historial de logros en materia de igualdad de género es más ambivalente y las influencias causales más diversas y menos unidireccionales de lo que en ocasiones se supone. También se indica que las políticas de desarrollo tienen un importante papel que desempañar para garantizar la obtención de resultados y que la primera fase de las reformas estructurales (que datan desde principios de los años 80) fue en muchos sentidos negativa para la mujer. En los 10 años transcurridos desde la Conferencia de Beijing, se han dado algunos cambios importantes en la política de desarrollo internacional y una valoración cada vez mayor de la necesidad de formular políticas sensibles a la cuestión de género. Para finales de los años 80, el "fundamentalismo de mercado" y la terapia de choque habían perdido buena parte de su atractivo, abriendo así espacio para nuevas ideas y enfoques sobre políticas y prácticas de desarrollo. El creciente descontento con los efectos sociales de las reformas y las críticas que han formulado importantes economistas de las instituciones financieras internacionales (IFI) han generado un cambio de políticas que con frecuencia se denomina el "Consenso post-Washington". Las nuevas políticas han demostrado una disposición a brindar mayor atención a las inquietudes sociales y políticas, lo cual puede constatarse en conceptos como "capital social" y "buen gobierno". La política social y, en especial, la reducción de la pobreza lograron ascender en la escala de prioridades internacionales durante los años 90. No obstante, tras este aparente consenso que se forjase en torno al vocabulario compartido de "pobreza" y "protección social", existen interpretaciones encontradas de la política social en razón de las diferencias en cuanto a los valores, prioridades y visiones de la responsabilidad del Estado. Existen serias preocupaciones sobre si se está brindando o pueden brindarse opciones sostenibles para superar la pobreza en un contexto donde no existen medidas apropiadas de creación de empleos y de regeneración regional. Habida cuenta de que la mayor parte de la responsabilidad por el trabajo doméstico no remunerado recae sobre la mujer y que tiene menos acceso al dinero y a las oportunidades de generación de ingresos, es probable que la redefinición de la responsabilidad del Estado y el papel preponderante conferido a las fuerzas de mercado incidan negativamente sobre el tiempo y el acceso de la mujer a los beneficios sociales. El retiro del fundamentalismo de mercado ha permitido una rehabilitación parcial de la función del Estado como actor protagónico en el desarrollo, y se ha enfatizado el "buen gobierno" a través de la democracia, la participación, la descentralización y la integración de la sociedad. Una interpretación integral de la agenda del "buen gobierno" abarcaría la liberalización política, la participación, los derechos humanos y atender los problemas de desigualdad social como parte del compromiso fundamental con la democracia. Esta agenda comprendería cuestiones como la legitimidad del Estado y problemas de capacidad y rendición de cuentas que los movimientos sociales y los movimientos femeninos han confrontado durante décadas. Si bien las reformas de la gobernanza pueden y deben atender las cuestiones relativas a la legitimidad del gobierno y la participación pública de los grupos socialmente marginados, tales reformas se han visto frecuentemente dominadas por una preocupación más limitada. De allí que, si bien la reciente atención que han prestado los donantes al "buen gobierno" es un acontecimiento positivo, mucho depende de cómo se interprete tal hecho. Una buena parte depende de si, por un lado la democratización de la política y la participación de los grupos sociales marginados se entienden como parte integral de los objetivos de la reforma y se incorporan al cambio institucional y, por otro lado, si la reducción de las desigualdades sociales y de género figura entre los principios fundamentales que orientan el programa de transformación institucional del Estado. Existen algunos aspectos del actual clima político internacional que limitan las posibilidades de que esto se cristalice, a saber, el aumento del poder político de las fuerzas conservadoras en los Estados Unidos y otros países y los sucesos del 11 de septiembre. Aunque el primero de estos hechos ha llevado a la adopción, por parte de Estados Unidos y con el apoyo de las fuerzas religiosas, de políticas conservadoras en cuanto a los derechos reproductivos y sexuales de la mujer, el último ha llevado a que se preste más atención y se asigne más financiamiento a la "seguridad", en detrimento del desarrollo y los derechos humanos. En este trabajo se analizan la forma en que estos cambios en la política y el clima político internacionales en la última década han propulsado el surgimiento de nuevos problemas y desafíos para quienes participan en los movimientos femeninos mundiales. ; The 1995 Fourth World Conference on Women (the "Beijing conference") was a landmark in policy terms, setting a global policy framework to advance gender equality. Ten years after Beijing, in March 2005, the UN's Commission on the Status of Women presided over an intergovernmental meeting in New York to review the progress achieved on the commitments made in the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. This "Plus Ten" event was decidedly low key. Its aim was not agenda setting but agenda confirming; not policy formulation, but policy affirmation. Whether it proves to be part of an ongoing worldwide movement in support of gender equality, or whether it marks the decline of that process, is a question that many in international women's movements are asking. This paper, drawing on research undertaken for the UNRISD report, Gender Equality: Striving for Justice in an Unequal World, reflects on the ambivalent record of progress achieved by women over the last decades and considers how the policy environment has changed over the period since the high point of the global women's movements. Drawing on a number of commonly employed indicators of "women's progress", the paper argues that the record of achievement regarding gender equality is more ambivalent, and the causal influences more diverse and less unidirectional than is sometimes assumed. It also argues that development policies have an important role to play in securing outcomes, and that the first phase of the structural reforms (dating from the early 1980s) was in many respects negative for women. In the ten years since the Beijing Conference there have been some significant shifts in international development policy along with a growing appreciation of the need to develop gender aware policies. By the end of the 1980s, "market fundamentalism" and shock therapy had lost much of their appeal, opening up a space for new ideas and approaches in development policy and practice. Growing discontent over the social effects of the reforms, as well as criticism from leading economists in the international financial institutions have brought about a policy shift, which is sometimes referred to as the "post- Washington Consensus". The new policies have shown a willingness to give social and political concerns greater attention, expressed under indicative headings such as "social capital" and "good governance". Social policy and, in particular, poverty relief moved up the scale of international priorities in the 1990s. But behind the apparent consensus forged by a shared vocabulary of "poverty reduction" and "social protection", there are conflicting understandings of social policy based on different values, priorities and understandings of state responsibility. There are serious concerns over whether sustainable routes out of poverty are being provided or can be provided in the absence of appropriate job creation measures and regional regeneration. Given women's greater share of responsibility for unpaid care work and their less advantageous access to cash and income-earning opportunities, the redefinition of state responsibility and the greater role given to market forces are likely to impact adversely on their time and their access to social benefits. The retreat from market fundamentalism has seen a partial rehabilitation of the state as a significant actor in development, and emphasis has been placed on "good governance" through democracy, participation, decentralization and community ownership. A broad understanding of a "good governance" agenda would embrace political liberalization, participation and human rights, and would address problems of social inequality as part of a fundamental commitment to democracy. Such an agenda would encompass the kinds of issues of state legitimacy, capacity and accountability that social movements and women's movements have confronted for decades. Although governance reforms can and should address issues of government legitimacy and the public participation of socially excluded groups, they have often been dominated by a much narrower preoccupation. Hence, while the recent donor attention to the question of "good governance" is to be welcomed, much depends on how it is interpreted. A great deal depends on whether the democratization of politics and the participation of marginalized social groups are seen as integral to reform objectives and are embraced in institutional change; and on whether reducing social and gender inequalities are among the core principles guiding the programme of state institutional transformation. There are aspects of the current international political climate that place limits on this occurring, namely the rise to political power of conservative forces in the United States and elsewhere, and the attacks of 11 September 2001. While the first has seen the adoption by the United States of conservative policies with respect to women's reproductive and sexual rights, supported by religious forces, the latter has focused more attention and funding on "security" at the expense of development and human rights. The Paper examines how this ensemble of changing international policy and political climate over the past decade has given rise to new issues and challenges for those active in global women's movements. ; La Quatrième Conférence mondiale sur les femmes (dite "Conférence de Beijing"), tenue en 1995, a marqué un tournant en définissant dans les grandes lignes les politiques à appliquer dans le monde pour progresser vers l'égalité des sexes. Dix ans après Beijing, en mars 2005, la Commission de la condition de la femme de l'ONU a présidé une reunion intergouvernementale à New York pour examiner dans quelle mesure les engagements pris dans la Déclaration et le Programme d'action de Beijing avaient été honorés. Cette réunion "Plus 10" s'est faite résolument discrète. Son but était non pas d'établir un programme mais de le confirmer, non pas de définir des politiques mais de les réaffirmer. S'inscrit-elle dans une évolution mondiale favorable à l'égalité des sexes ou marque-t-elle le déclin du processus? C'est une question que beaucoup se posent dans les mouvements féminins internationaux. Ce document, qui s'inspire de recherches effectuées pour le rapport de l'UNRISD, Egalité des sexes: En quête de justice dans un monde d'inégalités, revient sur le bilan contrasté qui a été dressé des progres accomplis par les femmes au cours des dernières décennies et étudie en quoi l'environnement politique a changé depuis ce moment fort dans la vie des mouvements féminins. Se fondant sur un certain nombre d'indicateurs couramment employés pour mesurer les "progrès des femmes", les auteurs font valoir que les réussites en matière d'égalité des sexes sont plus ambivalentes et les causes plus diverses et moins unidirectionnelles qu'on ne le suppose parfois. Elles montrent aussi que les politiques de développement contribuent largement aux résultats et que la première phase des réformes structurelles (qui remonte au début des années 80) a été, à bien des égards, néfaste pour les femmes. Au cours des dix ans qui se sont écoulés depuis la Conférence de Beijing, la politique internationale du développement a connu des revirements importants et l'on a pris conscience de la nécessité de définir des politiques prenant en compte le genre. A la fin des années 80, le "fondamentalisme marchand" et la thérapie de choc avaient perdu beaucoup de leur attrait, laissant place à des idées et approches nouvelles dans la politique et la pratique du développement. Le mécontentement croissant suscité par les répercussions sociales des réformes, ainsi que les critiques formulées par des économistes haut placés dans les institutions financières internationales (IFI) ont entraîné un changement de politique que l'on appelle souvent "l'après-Consensus de Washington". Les nouvelles politiques ont témoigné de la volonté d'accorder plus d'attention aux préoccupations sociales et politiques, qui s'est manifestée par l'emploi de titres révélateurs comme "capital social" et "bonne gouvernance". Dans les années 90, la politique sociale et, en particulier, la réduction de la pauvreté ont remonté dans l'échelle des priorités. Mais bien que l'emploi d'un vocabulaire commun, celui de la "pauvreté" et de la "protection sociale", donne l'apparence d'un consensus, la politique sociale fait l'objet de conceptions contradictoires qui reposent sur des valeurs, des priorités et des représentations différentes de la mission de l'Etat. Est-il possible d'arracher durablement des populations à la pauvreté en l'absence de mesures suffisantes de création d'emplois et de relance des régions? La question suscite de sérieuses préoccupations. Les femmes assumant une plus grand part des soins non rémunérés et ayant moins d'occasions d'être rétribuées en espèces et de percevoir un revenu, la redéfinition de la responsabilité de l'Etat et le rôle plus grand laissé au marché risquent de se traduire pour elles par une limitation de leur temps libre et un moindre accès aux avantages sociaux. Le recul du fondamentalisme marchand s'est accompagné d'une réhabilitation partielle de l'Etat comme acteur important du développement et l'accent a été mis sur une "bonne gouvernance", réalisable par la démocratie, la participation, la décentralisation et la réappropriation par la population. Un programme de "bonne gouvernance", compris au sens large, couvrirait la libéralisation politique, la participation et les droits de l'homme et amènerait à s'attaquer aux inégalités sociales comme engagement fondamental à la démocratie. Un tel programme engloberait aussi les questions de la légitimité de l'Etat, de sa capacité et de son obligation de rendre des comptes, ce que réclame les mouvements sociaux et féminins depuis des décennies. Bien que les réformes de la gouvernance puissent et doivent tenter de résoudre les questions de la légitimité gouvernementale et de la participation aux affaires publiques des groupes sociaux exclus, leur souci dominant a été souvent beaucoup moins noble. Ainsi, s'il faut se réjouir de l'attention que les donateurs accordent depuis peu à la "bonne gouvernance", encore faut-il savoir ce que l'on entend par là. La démocratisation politique et la participation des groupes sociaux marginalisés font-elles partie intégrante des objectifs de réforme et sont-elles inscrites au programme du changement des institutions? La réduction des inégalités sociales et entre les sexes figure-t-elle parmi les principes de base qui doivent guider la transformation des institutions de l'Etat? Certains aspects du climat politique international actuel, notamment l'arrivée au pouvoir de forces conservatrices aux Etats-Unis et ailleurs et les attentats du 11 septembre, freinent cette évolution. Si l'arrivée au pouvoir de forces conservatrices aux Etats-Unis a eu pour consequence l'adoption, avec l'appui de forces religieuses, de politiques conservatrices sur les questions des droits des femmes en matière de procréation et de sexualité, les attentats du 11 septembre ont focalisé l'attention et les crédits sur la "sécurité" au détriment du développement et des droits de l'homme. Les auteurs examinent comment ces différents facteurs, qui ont modifié la politique internationale et le climat politique depuis dix ans, ont été pour ceux qui militent dans les mouvements féminins à travers le monde à l'origine de nouvelles questions et difficultés.
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This essay discusses the relation between urban spaces and street festival as an example of a creative industry. To begin with, several terms are presented as part of a theoretical approach to fully understand the concept of street festivals, then two cases studies of street festivals will be presented and analysed: The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogotá and Rock al Parque Festival both from Bogotá, Colombia. The essay has a chapter dedicated to the relationship between festivals and economic development. ; Cultura y desarrollo; Esfera pública; Festival Iberoamericano de Teatro; Festivales callejeros; Habermas; Rock al Parque ; 1 An Act of Faith: Two Cases Studies Of Street Festivals As Examples Of Development. ANDRÉS GUILLERMO CHAUR1 Course Title: Theories of the Culture Industry: work, creativity and precariousness Course Code: CU71015A Date: 13 January 2014 1 Beneficiario COLFUTURO 2013 2 3 «Culture is the be all and end all of development» L.S. Senghor, poet (Senegal, 1906-2001) Introduction This essay discusses the relation between urban spaces and street festival as an example of a creative industry. To begin with, several terms are presented as part of a theoretical approach to fully understand the concept of street festivals, then two cases studies of street festivals will be presented and analysed: The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogotá and Rock al Parque Festival both from Bogotá, Colombia. The essay has a chapter dedicated to the relationship between festivals and economic development. It is important to mention that the starter point of this essay was precisely to give an introductory background of the importance that has have those two case studies in the development of the city. It is not a secret that Colombia has suffered a period of violence and instability since the second part of the XX century so at first glance it is curious to study and research about an almost contradictory topic such as Culture in a "war country". But at the same time, the "beauty" of this study relies precisely in its contradictory nature: How a country with those characteristics can hold two of the most important and respected free theatre festivals and music festivals in all Latin America? This essay will try to explain that culture when it's conceived with some specific characteristics will bring democracy and peace. A series of deep and abstract concepts will be discussed. This essay was thought just as an introduction and approximation to the topic of public and private, public sphere, culture and development just to mention some examples. Same with authors and thinkers used to elaborate the structure of this study. Once again it should be taken as an approximation rather than a full and elaborated research. The aim is to structure a series of ideas and concepts around one thesis: Those festivals have helped to make Bogotá a better city thus that is the main point of the relation between urban spaces and creativity: It fosters a better understanding of a society overall. At the end of the essay, in the appendix section, some photos are presented to visually recreate the two festivals, its dimensions and its importance. Although, like every 4 transcendental event, in order to understand the magnitude of The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival and the Rock al Parque Festival one have to experience in person. Cities as spaces for the public To fully understand the concept of "Public Realm" and "Public Sphere", one has to address the theory of the city and its relation with the concept of public and private. The concept of "city" has had many meanings through time. There are different ways to approach the concept; however, for the nature of this essay an urban sociological perspective will be approached. Mumford (1937) states the city as a space undoubtedly bonded with the development of human potential: "a city is an expression of the human spirits, and they exist to nurture human personality"2. Weber (1921), one of the founders of modern sociology sees a city in terms of connectivity and settlement between commuters, in that way, the concept of a city, according to Weber, is about the networking, the political and economic participation and the organization among communities. Landry (2013) defines the city as "a complex organism and in constant movement with perspectives, opinions and priorities about what is right often clashing"3. Simmel (1950) explained the correlation of man and the scenarios created by the capitalism and modern society called "The Metropolis". There is always a struggle between the man (individual) and his society (public): "The deepest problem of modern life arises out of the attempt by the individual to preserve his autonomy and individuality in the face of the overwhelming social forces of a historical heritage, external culture and technique of life"4. Simmel's concept of a city as a place where modern man struggle to find his individuality within "overwhelming social forces" is key to understand the theory of the city, specifically one attached with the words: Public -Private. Sennett (1996) in his book "The Fall of the 2 Mumford, L., 1937. What is a city?. In: Scoutt, S and Stoutt, F. ed. 2011. The city reader. Taylor and Francis. pp.91-96. 3 Landry,C. 2013. Civic Urbanity: Looking at the city afresh (PDF). Hangzhou International Congress, "Culture: Key to Sustainable Development", 15-17 May 2013, Hangzhou, China. Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/CLT/images/Charles_Landry_Hangzhou_Congress.pdf (Accessed 12 January 2013). 4 Simmel,G. 1950. The Metropolis and Mental Life. In Miles, M; Hall, T and Borden, I. The City Cultures Reader. Ed. 2000. pp. 12-19. 5 public man" gives an account of the city as the scenario where those 2 concepts are correlated. He starts explaining the meaning of public and private. Although its historical background, coming from the Greeks and the idea of Oikos and Polis as the Private and Public respectively, Sennett comments that "the public" in modern times, started to develop in the eighteen century that is as a direct consequence of the industrial revolution and the liberalism ideas coming from The Enlightenment. "Public came to mean a life passed outside the life of family and close friends. In the public region diverse, complex social groups were to be brought into ineluctable contact the focus of this public life was the city"5 The public life is also the ground to understand modern democracy and public political institution. Sennett, citing Hanna Arendt's book The Human Condition shows how the public life in cities can be a scenario where ideas and opinions are discussed and debated. "Private circumstances have no place in the public realm". 6 Arendt even manifests that cities are "democracy's homes"7 This notion of public started to be more evident when places to meet strangers (people from outside the private sphere) within the city started to grow up. Examples of those "places" are the coffee houses and salons (Habermas will mention those examples to explain his theory of public sphere). Those spaces are called "Public Realm" by Sennett. Public Realm, in other words, are spaces where strangers meet. This encounter is characterized by "anonymity". In "The Conscience of The Eye" Sennett (1992) also says that anonymity is the power of modern cities: "The power of the city lies in its diversity; in the presence of difference people have at least the possibility to step outside themselves (.) The city can give them experiences of otherness"8 The concept of Teatro Mundi is an interesting way to look at the public sphere. According to Sennett, "Teatro Mundi" are spaces full of vitality, differences and disorder. Places where the differences connect and all citizens participate: "Society is a theatre and people are actors". This essay will discuss Teatro Mundi in detail in the chapter related to street festivals. . 5 Sennett, R. 2003. The Fall of Public Man. Penguin, New Edition. 6 Sennett, R. 2008. Reflections on the Public Realm in Bridge, G and Watson, S. A companion of the City. Blackwell Publishers. pp. 380-387. 7 Sennett, R. 2008. The Public Realm. (online) Richard Sennet Website. Available at: http://www.richardsennett.com/site/SENN/Templates/General2.aspx?pageid=16 (Accessed 13 January 2014) 8 Sennett, R. 1992. The Conscience of the Eye: The Design and Social Life of Cities. W.W Norton & Company. 6 In the next chapter, this essay will discuss in-depth different theories about the public realm specially the ideas of Habermas about the public sphere and his theory of action communicative. Habermas and the Public Sphere Even though the previous chapter gave an account of the concepts of private-public, it is important to highlight them according to the theory of Habermas. Recognized as one of the most influential sociologist and philosopher of our times, Habermas theories of the public sphere (phrase from the German Öffentlichkeit), and modern democracy as well as his theory of action communicative have been enormously influential for modern sociology9. Firstly Habermas' thought is marked in the tradition of the Frankfurt School. His first mayor publication "The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere" argues that instrumental rationality is implicit in the Public Sphere. However, Habermas took distance from the classical notion of the critical theory when argues that participation in the public sphere (he exemplified the coffee shops and the salons in Paris and London in the XVIII century) is free and autonomous in order to shape a common good: "The public sphere consisted in voluntary associations of private citizens united in a common aim, to make use of their own reason in unconstrained discussion between equals"10(Later on, Habermas is going to present how mass media eroded individuality and declined the public sphere). It is important to mention the dichotomy of the words public-private for Habermas. Although different, both are dependents to each other. In that way the private sphere and the public sphere instead of being exclusive are inclusive. Susen (2011) defines the public sphere, taking into account Habermas' theory, as: "The socialized expression of individuals' reciprocally constituted autonomy: individuals are autonomous not in isolation from but in relation to one another, that is, in relation to a public of autonomous beings".11 9Finlayson, J .2005. "Habermas, a very short introduction". Oxford University Press. 10 Habermas,J. 1991. The Structural Transformation Of The Public Sphere. MIT Press. 11 Susen, S. 2001. Critical Notes on Habermas's theory of the public sphere. (online). City University of London. Available at: http://tinyurl.com/lhy4j4z. (Accessed 13 January 2014). 7 Several questions came to mind: How this socialization is constructed? What does an autonomous individual mean? And how can individual reach autonomy? For Habermas, the answer relies on a rational communicative action. The aim of the public sphere is to create a consensus through the active participation of all individuals involved. This consensus is created by a rational approach of the language: "The public sphere is a collective realm in which individuals' cognitive ability to take on the role of critical and responsible actors is indicative of society's coordinative capacity to transform itself into an emancipatory project shaped by the normative force of communicative rationality"12. Rationality in terms of Habermas does not consist in knowledge per se but "how speaking and acting subjects acquire and use knowledge"13. This type of rationality is different from the instrumental rationality from the Enlightenment, widely criticized by the Frankfurt School, since it is "practical, epistemological and more important, intersubjective"14. The public sphere, considering the above, not only describes the space where the encounter occurs but moreover, the public sphere has within itself an emancipator and a transformative component. Some critics find Habermas ideas "too utopian and idealistic"15. The next chapter the link between Habermas and Sennett notion of Public Realm in the city will be tracked. The Open City Sennett takes Habermas as a mayor inspiration for constructing his idea of the Public Realm in the city. According to Sennett (2008), Habermas does not tie the public sphere to any particular place, such as a town centre for instance. Even new technological media as the 12 Ibid. 13 Hahn, L. 2000. Perspective On Habermas. Open Court Publishing. 14 Susen, S. 2001. Critical Notes on Habermas's theory of the public sphere. (online). City University of London. Available at: http://tinyurl.com/lhy4j4z. (Accessed 13 January 2014). 15 Ibid. 8 Internet could be seen as an example of public sphere: "In today's cities, an internet cafe would be more likely to excite him than Trafalgar Square" 16 The place where strangers meet, as Sennett defines Public Realm, could be anywhere: An event, a medium, etc. that encourages communication between strangers. Eventually, Sennett argues, cities that promote those types of encounters are called cities with open systems and on the contrary, cities that lack a real public realm or just promote the privatization of spaces are called cities with closed systems. Based on sociologist Jane Jacobs(1961) and her book "The death and life of great American cities"17, Sennett(2006) imagines a city with a closed system with two attributes: Equilibrium and Integration18. Equilibrium is related with balance, with harmony and with a static idea of conceiving a city. Public Spaces as spaces full of differences, dissents and disorders are not part or are reduced in a closed system. By integration, Sennett means that everything is connected and is part of a greater and unique vision. Thus, everything that is not part of that unique vision is expelled and rejected: "The logic of integration is to diminish in value things that don't fit in (.) Closed system cities refuse to evolve and has paralysed urbanism", concludes Sennett. Opposing a closed system, the open system is all about diversity and finding a place for differences, dissents and disorders. It is about complexity, about how a place adapts itself to the always changing community and its processes. Sennett lists three elements of an open city: Passage territories, incomplete form and development narratives. Passages territories means to diffuse boundaries and different territories within the cities; incomplete form is regarding "empty spaces" so the public can interact in it. Development narratives means to allow dissident voices to express and to fully participate. Wirth (1938) summarize the above by saying: "The juxtaposition of divergent personalities and modes of life tends to produce a relativistic perspective and a sense of toleration of differences"19 Taking into consideration the above characteristics of an open city, one can say that an open city is a place for democracy, "not in the legal sense but in the physical experience" says 16 Sennett, R. 2008. Reflections on the Public Realm in Bridge, G and Watson, S. A companion of the City. Blackwell Publishers. pp. 380-387. 17 Jacobs, J .1961. The death and life of great American cities. Random House, New York. 18 Sennett, R 2006. The Open City. (online). Urban Age- LSE. Available at: http://esteticartografias07.files.wordpress.com/2008/07/berlin_richard_sennett_2006-the_open_city1.pdf. (Accessed 13 January 2014) 19 Wirth, L .1938. Urbanism as a Way of Life. (online) Chicago Journals. Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2768119 (Accessed 13 January 2014). 9 Sennett 20. This thesis is important to understand the importance of public spaces in construction of a fully democratic society and thus is connected to the idea of development and equality. ¿What are examples of an open system? Can one give an account of a public sphere? The next chapter will give an account of the relationship between the street festivals and the public sphere, understanding them as a significance example of public realm. Street Festivals and the Public Sphere To begin with, Street Festivals or Urban Festivals as any other cultural event placed in the public sphere are related of what Durkheim called "collective effervescence". As Durkheim pointed out when a group gathers to perform a "religious ritual" experiences a sense of encounter and unity, "leading participants to a high degree of collective emotional excitement or delirium"21. However as Sassatelli(2011) adds, although Festivals are also part of a collective delirium, taking all participant apart from the everyday life, they are also places where the social encounter is made of "polyvalent performances, rather than unified signifiers of a consensual collective conscience"22 Sassatelli complements that street festivals contrasted with museums: By its living dimension as well as its unrestrained sensory experience. Sennett (1992) also talks about spaces "full of live" as narrative spaces where every dweller constructs a disorder and kaleidoscope meaning of the public. This could lead to the erosion of the boundaries of high and low culture in the sense of the Frankfurt School understood the "cultural industries". namely they turn into instances of communication and instances of production of collective meanings and desires. 20 Sennett, R 2006. The Open City. (online). Urban Age- LSE. Available at: http://esteticartografias07.files.wordpress.com/2008/07/berlin_richard_sennett_2006-the_open_city1.pdf. (Accessed 13 January 2014) 21 Durkheim, E .2008. The Elementary Forms of Religious Life. Oxford Paperbacks. 22 Sassatelli, M. 2011. Urban Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere: Cosmopolitanism between Ethics and Aesthetics in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 12-19 10 If Habermas, the notion of the "Public Sphere" is related as the area where rational individuals communicate to each other to discuss their social problems; nowadays as McGuian(2011) argues, there are different ways to look at the public sphere, not only inside a rational communicative system as Habermas states, but from other types of communication that also create a sense of public sphere. One of those "public spheres" is the cultural public sphere, namely a sphere within the public where different modes of communications, for instance "affective-aesthetics and emotional are articulated with the public and the private"23 "The public sphere nowadays operates though various channels and circuits of mass popular culture and entertainment facilitated the routinely mediated aesthetic and emotional reflections on how we live and imagine the good life (.) festivals are the aestheticization of politics as the ground for festivals is the democratization of an independent thought by the spectators transformed into active actors". . Although McGuian theorized the cultural public sphere for the mass media and populism culture, undoubtedly street festivals share that conception in an emotional and aesthetic way of "come together as a public" and to transcend the private sphere into a societal integration as Habermas explained. Fabiani (2011) explained as well: 24 Street Festivals are also part of the Sennett's idea of "Teatro Mundi". Spaces operated in an open system, where strangers meet through a "rhetorical way, acting in order to be 23Mc Guian, J. 2011. The Cultural Public Sphere- a critical measure of public culture? in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 79-92. 24 Fabiani, J. 2011. Festivals, local and global: Critical interventions and the cultural public sphere. in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 92-108 Involvement rather than contemplation Instances of communication and community building Erosion of the boundaries between high and low culture Construction of Identity Produce meanings and desires Box 1. Characteristics of Street Festivals according to Sassatelli(2011). 11 credible" 25 In the next chapter, this essay will discuss the implications of street festivals in the sustainable development of a city. Different approaches coming from the research of the UNESCO on the relationship between culture and development as well as the studies of the creative class by Michael Florida and the Creative cities by Michael Landry. . People act as in they were in a "role playing" to create a sense of "equality", even if they do not share their same social class, race, sexual orientation, etc. Street Festivals have this "communicative power" of involve everyone together. Street Festivals as mechanism for sustainable development How could we connect street festivals as examples of the cultural public sphere with the idea of development? In other words, is there any connection between street festivals, understood as a cultural manifestation, and sustainable development? This chapter will introduce the concept of "Culture for Development"26 In the last few decades, UNESCO programs have been focused in how culture should be at the centre of economic development in developed and especially in developing countries. One of the last attempts to foster that was the Hangzou Congress in 2013 in China. The final conclusion was: "Placing Culture at the Heart of Sustainable Development Policies"; a term coined by UNESCO in a variety of its programs wide world specially for developing nations and will give an account of the link between that term and street festivals as examples of a cultural industry. 27 25 Sennett, R. 2008. Reflections on the Public Realm in Bridge, G and Watson, S. A companion of the City. Blackwell Publishers. pp. 380-387. and described 9 main ideas to do so: Integrate culture within all development policies and Programmes; Mobilize culture and mutual understanding to foster peace and reconciliation; Ensure cultural rights for all to promote inclusive social development; Leverage culture for poverty reduction and inclusive economic development; Build on culture to promote environmental sustainability; Strengthen resilience to disasters and combat climate change through culture value; safeguard and transmit culture to future generations; Harness culture 26 Culture and Development. 2013. UNESCO- Culture. (Online) Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/culture-and-development (Accessed 13 January 2014) 27 UNESCO. 2013. The Hangzhou Declaration. UNESCO- Culture. (Online). Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/culture-and-development/hangzhou-congress/ (Accessed 13 January 2014). 12 as a resource for achieving sustainable urban development and management; Capitalize on culture to foster innovative and sustainable models of cooperation. 28 Landry (2008) also talks about the benefits of cultural industries in a city and how the creativity of those industries will foster economic development and social cohesion: "Culture can also strengthen social cohesion, increase personal confidence and improve life skills, improve people's mental and physical well-being, strengthen people's ability to act as democratic citizens and develop new training and employment routes".29 Florida (2003) shows the relationship between creativeness and development. His theory of human capital, called creative capital theory, shows how by fostering tolerance, high education levels and social adaptation to changes, a social class can help to develop their communities. This creative class and its idea of create "new forms of meanings"30 The bond between the cultural public sphere with democracy and the idea of an Open City, explained before, is also a seminal part of how through cultural manifestations, a society can develop and tackle social problems. are attached to the idea of UNESCO's Culture for development program. Case Studies: The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogotá and the "Rock al Parque" Festival This essay will present two cases studies of street festivals and its relation with the city and its sustainable development: The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogota (Festival Iberoamericano de Teatro de Bogotá) and The Rock al Parque Festival. Both represent two major fields in the cultural industries in Bogotá such as the performative arts and the music. 28 Ibid 29 Landry, C. 2008. The Creative City: A toolkit for Urban Innovators. Earthscan Editions. 30 Florida, M (2003). Cities and the creative class. (Online). Available at: http://uv.vuchorsens.dk/r/KAZ/Undervisning%202012-2013/GEOLOGI/B%C3%A6redygtighed/Befolkning%20og%20b%C3%A6redygtighed/GetFile.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014). 13 Firstly the chapter will introduce a context of each festival and then discuss around 5 main axes how the two festivals help to development in specific ways. Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogotá Declared in December 2013 as "cultural heritage of Colombia"31, The Ibero-American Theatre Festival of Bogotá is a biannual cultural event held in Bogotá and organized by the Fundación Teatro Nacional (National Theatre Foundation) an NGO dedicated to theatre with private and public funding. It is considered as one of the most important theatre festival in Latin America and the most significant cultural event in Colombia32 The history of the festival is in every sense "quixotic": Launched in 1988 when the country was immersed in drug-related violence and when the public institutions and the general idea of democracy were at crisis, Ramiro Osorio, a renowned cultural entrepreneur and Fanny Mikey, considered one of the icons of theatre and culture in Colombia, created the theatre Festival as a "Act of Faith" in order to promote culture as an answer to defeat the prevailing violence of those years. . It is important to mention somehow the significant role of the National Theatre Foundation in the conformation and development of the theatre in Colombia. Founded in 1981 by Fanny Mikey, an Argentinean émigré, with the play "El Rehén" nowadays has three major venues with a wide programme throughout the year as well as an art college a social programme for deprived communities and an international tours of their plays33 The first Ibero-American theatre festival, held from 25th march to 3th of April 1988, gathered 59 theatres companies from 21 countries with an estimated of no more than 100.000 spectators. In 2012, 26 years later, the festival had more than 3 million spectators and 200 theatres companies from 32 countries and 5 continents. 34 31El Espectador. 2013. Festival de Teatro de Bogotá, declarado patrimonio cultural de la Nación. El Espectador, (Online) (Last updated 11December 2013). Available at: . http://www.elespectador.com/noticias/bogota/festival-de-teatro-de-bogota-declarado-patrimonio-cultu-articulo-463508. (Accessed: 13 January 2014). 32 Cepeda, A .2010. FESTIVAL IBEROAMERICANO DE TEATRO DE BOGOTÁ- IMPACTO Y SUPERVIVENCIA. Instituto Complutense de CC Musicales. 33 Ibid 34 Ibid 14 The conception of the festival as a "carnival of the city" relies on the stress in the use of the public space: There are plays presented in the streets, plazas and parks from all over the city: From slums to rich areas covering all significance area of the city. In 2012, the festival presents 218 street plays in 4 major parks (Simón Bolívar, Tunal, Nacional y Plaza de Bolívar) 7 public spaces for street plays, 4 community centres, 2 big parades starting from the north of Bogota (Calle 80) until the Bolivar's Square, the biggest plaza in Bogotá. The Festival was in 11 out of the 21 districts of Bogota. In average, around 2, 5 millions of spectators participate in the festival. 35 "Rock al Parque" Festival In March 2012, Bogotá was chosen by the UNESCO as Creative City of Music along with European cities such as Bologna (Italy), Ghent (Belgium), Sevilla (Spain) and Glasgow (Scotland).36 This recognition is part of the strategy of the secretary of culture of Bogotá of positioning the city as a major culture hub in Latin-American especially in the music field. In recent years and after the creation of the central roadmaps namely the "Políticas Culturales Distritales 2004-2016"37 The link between urban public spaces and public festivals as cultural policies is more visible in the "Festivales al Parque" (Park Festivals) which consists in five annual free music festivals held in different times of the year and performed in important free venues and public parks. They are managed and executed by the Institute for arts in Bogotá (A sub division of the Secretary of Culture of Bogotá) "IDARTES". and the "Plan Decenal de Cultura 2011-2021" the music field and their relation with public spaces have being an important core of the cultural policies in Bogotá. There are 5 "festivales al parque" dedicated to the 5 most popular rhythms that conformed the music scene in the city: Hip Hop, Jazz, Colombia (traditional music) and Rock. Created in different years, the "Festivales al Parque" conforms a local identity and a cultural highlight of the city. 35 Ibid 36 Cultura y Entretenimiento. 2012. Bogotá fue declarada capital mundial de la música. EL TIEMPO. (Online). Available at: http://www.eltiempo.com/entretenimiento/musica/ARTICULO-WEB-NEW_NOTA_INTERIOR-11842506.html (Accessed 13 January 2014) 37 IDARTES. 2004. Políticas Culturales Distritales (Online) Available at: http://www.culturarecreacionydeporte.gov.co/sites/default/files/politicas_culturales_distritales_2004-2016.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014). 15 The pioneer and the biggest in terms of audience of the "Festivales al Parque" is "Rock al Parque" a 3 days rock festival created in 1995 and hosted in the biggest public park of the city, Parque Simón Bolivar; it was organized by musicians Mario Duarte and Julio Correal as a strategy to create a bond between citizens of different socio economic background with the public space during the Antanas Mockus' mayor. The XVIII edition of the festival in 2012 congregated more than 70.000 people per day, making the Festival, the biggest public rock festival in Latin America in terms of audience38. Places for sustainable development: conclusions studies. Although each festival has its own characteristics a study conducted by Obgregón (2007) shows 5 main conclusions that "Rock al Parque" festival has brought to the city. In a similar study done for the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival, Cepeda (2010) also concluded that the festival helped the city in similar ways of the five elements of Obregon. Those five elements also share the same roots of the elements of Culture for Development by the UNESCO. This is an interesting discovery that shows how festivals if they are organized inside the language of Open City -Teatro Mundi (Sennett) and in the Cultural Public Sphere all share similar benefits: 38 Obregon, J. 2007. Desconfianza, civilidad y estética. Universidad Nacional de Colombia. Improve the image of the city Create a sense of identity Help to build an audience Visibilization of a minority group Tolerance and social cohesion. Box 2. Five mains benefit of the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival and Rock al Parque Festival to Bogotá. 16 1. Improve the image of the city Both festivals improve the image of the city, for both its inhabitants and foreigners audiences. Leguizamón, Moreno and Tibazisco(2013) have argued the relation between the festivals and the local economy especially in the touristic field: "Bogotá is a touristic destiny who takes advantage of its public festivals as an important opportunity to retain tourists interested in performing arts because they visit the city only one time. This advantage depends on quality improvements which tourist perceived around touristic products and services offered like: security, hospitality, environmental practices, mobility and connectivity."39 UNESCO (2001) has also states how cultural tourism has increased in recent years: In 2010, international tourism generated 919 billion dollars in export earnings. Emerging and developing countries accounted for 47 per cent of world international tourism arrivals and 36.9 per cent of world international tourism receipts in 2010. Cultural tourism presently accounts for 40 per cent of world tourism revenues. Taking into account the statistics of the monitoring centre for culture of IDARTES conducted in 2011 the percentage of tourist that visited the city exclusively to assist to "Rock al Parque" Festival were 16,16% compared to 6,03% in 199740. 2. Create a sense of identity Wyss (2012) states that for 17 days, "the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival transformed a chaotic metropolis like Bogotá (more than 8 million inhabitants) into a cultural Mecca", The general director of the Festival, Ana Marta de Pizarro also argues than the festival is "the carnival of the city, crime rates are significantly reduced and the general atmosphere of the dwellers is of great joy and party"41 39 Leguizamon, M; Moreno, E and Tobavizco N. 2013. Impacto turístico del Festival Iberoamericano de Teatro de Bogotá. (online) Available: . http://www.pasosonline.org/Publicados/11113/PS0113_06.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014) 40 IDARTES. 2011. Observatorio de Culturas. (online) Available at: http://www.culturarecreacionydeporte.gov.co/observatorio/medAlparque.html. (Accessed 13 January 2014). 41 Wyss, J. 2010. Bogota theater festival: a bright mask for a once grim city. (Online) Available at: http://carpetbagbrigade.files.wordpress.com/2012/09/miami-herald-dios-callings-english1.pdf. (Accessed 13 January 2014) 17 Similar to Wyss, Obregon citing Cante(2007), says that the idea of Rock al Parque has brought a sense of "social cohesion through the construction of an identity of tolerance and coexistence. It creates a civil culture in the city"42. 3. Help to build an audience Obregon (2007) and Cepeda (2010) states that one of the most important benefits of Rock al Parque and the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival is that those events have helped to build an audience in music and performative arts respectively. In the case of Rock al Parque, the event helped to massify a genre that wasn't part of the mainstream in Colombia as Rock. According to IDARTES (2011), almost 60% of the audience that assisted to the Festival in 2011 has been to a different free rock concert. Almost 80% has already assisted to more than two versions of Rock Al Parque. Cepeda (2010) concludes that the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival has collaborate to "enrich the theatre market in the city and to put it in one of the top in Latin America". 65% of the public, who assisted to the Festival in 2010, has seen a play regularly outside the Festival, according to the study. 4. Visibilization of a minority group This point is connected to the last conclusion. By building an audience, the festivals helped to make visible an audience. In Rock al Parque an "underground culture" as the rock scene, stigmatized before as "antisocial, started to have a better image in the community. IDARTES (2011) indicates that 60% of the audience of Rock al Parque has been to a Rock Concert without any kind of stigmatization43. 5. Tolerance and social cohesion Another important point about the two festivals is regarding the social cohesion and zero violence culture that promotes. Cepeda (2010) is very emphatic describing the impact of the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival with the violence and crime rates in the city: 42 Obregon, J.2007. Desconfianza, civilidad y estética. Universidad Nacional de Colombia. 43 IDARTES. 2011. Observatorio de Culturas. (online) Available at: http://www.culturarecreacionydeporte.gov.co/observatorio/medAlparque.html. (Accessed 13 January 2014). 18 "The festival has contributed since its beginning to the peace process in Colombia. This festival dared to make public performatives acts in the streets when the crimes rates were really high. Those events had an amazing and significative success. One could say that in the 17 days of the festival, crimes and violence stops. Police informs that the crime rates during those two weeks are the lowest of the year."44 93,48% of the spectators of the 2011 "Rock al Parque" felt that the event help to promote a non-violence culture. Still, both festivals shares the unique values of the "Teatro Mundi": Every spectator is equal, no matter his race, gender, social class, etc. The rates of zero violent deaths in the history of both festivals are also an example of how those events are truly places for democracy and peace. Conclusion As it has been seen through the different chapters that conform this essay, the benefits of creating public cultural events in urban spaces bring, undoubtedly a notion of democracy and development. Although Habermas did not specifically discuss street festivals and public festivals in urban spaces as examples of his theory of both public sphere and the theory of communicative action, the essay helped to shape a theoretical background to such events according to Habermas's notions. In the end, the link between Cultural Public Spaces and the UNESCO definition of Culture for Development was an interesting discovery that is worthwhile to keep researching. As mentioned in the introduction, the aim of the essay was to create a structure to understand the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival and the Rock al Parque Festival as examples of cultural public sphere and based on that give an account of the relationship between those spaces and the idea of development. Culture and Cultural manifestations are always moving and changing as society itself. Street Festivals are manifestations that definitely have to be fully addressed. All the rich variety of characteristics that those kinds of events possesses as the essay presented, make them a unique type of cultural products. Could culture transform a society? Definitely. Not only culture transformed society but improves it. Bogota is a better city, with more possibilities with events like the ones studied. In the future, and as part of a cultural policies plan, More events such those, should be created. This is the only recommendation of this essay toward the future, taking into account 44 Cepeda, A .2010. FESTIVAL IBEROAMERICANO DE TEATRO DE BOGOTÁ- IMPACTO Y SUPERVIVENCIA. Instituto Complutense de CC Musicales. 19 that the existing legislation "protect" the two festivals, that in the end, are part of the cultural heritage of the city and the nation. 20 Appendix Photos a. Iberoamerican Theatre Festival45 45 All photos: Humar, Z., 2012. En fotos, Bogotá y su fiesta de las mil caras. [electronic print] Available at: http://www.bbc.co.uk/mundo/video_fotos/2012/04/120405_fotos_galeria_festival_teatro_bogota_aw.shtml [Accessed 12 January 2013]. 21 22 b. Rock al Parque Festival46 46 All photos: Lopez, J., 2013. Bogotá Rock al Parque. [electronic print] Available at: http://tinyurl.com/oabvlmt [Accessed 12 January 2013]. 23 24 Bibliography • Cepeda, A. 2010. 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