Suchergebnisse

This paper aims at examining how democratization in post-uprising Egypt remains flawed and the reasons for this failure. As a background, democratization in post-Arab Spring Egypt has collapsed and it seems now merely an illusion. The situation worsened since Egypt's democratically elected President Morsi was expelled from office through a coup, following mass protests demanding Morsi's discharge. Egypt's democratization is hard to achieve due to the shadow of the Pharaoh in Egypt, that is, entrenched ruling elites; Egypt's democratization process can never succeed while Egypt's old ruling elites are reluctant to allow this to happen. ; This paper aims at examining how democratization in post-uprising Egypt remains flawed and the reasons for this failure. As a background, democratization in post-Arab Spring Egypt has collapsed and it seems now merely an illusion. The situation worsened since Egypt's democratically elected President Morsi was expelled from office through a coup, following mass protests demanding Morsi's discharge. Egypt's democratization is hard to achieve due to the shadow of the Pharaoh in Egypt, that is, entrenched ruling elites; Egypt's democratization process can never succeed while Egypt's old ruling elites are reluctant to allow this to happen.

Narančasta revolucija u Ukrajini 2004. godine za prozapadno i prodemokratski orijentirane građane i Zapad tada je tumačena kao pobjeda demokracije u toj zemlji. Proruski orijentirano stanovništvo i Rusija predstavljali su je kao državni udar. Ovaj se rad bavi značenjem Narančaste revolucije za demokratizaciju Ukrajine. O stupnju realizacije njenih ciljeva govori se kroz prikaz izbornih događaja iz 2004,. naknadnih promjena vlasti i Druge revolucije. Posebna se pozornost poklanja političkom djelovanju Viktora Juščenka, Julije Timošenko i Viktora Janukoviča kao vođa političkih stranaka koje su najzaslužnije za provođenje ili odmak od ideja o demokratizaciji Ukrajine kojima je vođena Narančasta revolucija. ; Ukraine's "Orange Revolution" in 2004 was interpreted differently by the country's Western- and Eastern-oriented populations and by their international counterparts. The West saw it as a win for democracy, whereas the pro-Russian population and Russia presented it as a coup d'état. The present paper addresses the significance of the Orange Revolution in the democratization of Ukraine. The degree to which its goals have been realized is considered in the aftermath of the elections in 2004, the subsequent multiple changes in the government, and the Second Revolution. Special attention is paid to the political actions of Viktor Yushchenko, Yulia Tymoshenko, and Viktor Yanukovych, the leaders of the most prominent parties at the time. They were most responsible for realisation or the departure from the goals of democratization of Ukraine that motivated the Orange Revolution.

Promidžba demokracije temeljni je cilj vanjske politike EU-a, a ujedno i međunarodna dimenzija demokratizacije kao temeljnog i ključnog političkog ishoda proširenja unija na države Istočne, Srednje i Jugoistočne Europe. U svjetlu relevantnosti te tematike ovaj rad nastoji definirati pojam, doseg i primjenu promidžbe demokracije u međunarodnim odnosima, posebice prema postkomunističkim državama u posthladnoratovskom razdoblju, instrumente, ciljeve, strategije, ograničenja, evolutivni okvir promidžbe demokracije, kao i njezinu primjenu na primjeru Europske Unije, posebice u odnosu na bivše komunističke države, gdje je zamijećeno da vanjski akteri ne mogu potaknuti demokratizaciju i dovesti do stabilnih političkih poredaka ukoliko snažni unutarnji politički akteri ne budu "upravljali" elementima državnosti i modernizacije ; Democracy promotion is a crucial objective of the EU foreign policy; at the same time it is also the international dimension of democratization as a fundamental and crucial political outcome of the EU enlargement to Eastern, Central and Southeastern Europe. In light of the relevance of that topic, this paper attempts to define the concept, scope and application of democracy promotion in international relations, especially in the post-communist countries in the post-Cold War period. It will also examine instruments, objectives, strategies, constraints and evaluation framework of democracy promotion, as well as its implication on the case study of the European Union, particularly regarding former communist countries. In these cases it was observed that external actors can encourage democratization and lead to a stable political order if elements ofstatehood and state modernization are not discouragely "managed" by influential internal political actors.

Gotovo dvadeset godina od sloma poluautoritarnog režima Crna Gora još se kategorizira kao defektna, a ne kao konsolidirana demokracija. U ovome članku analizira se ključna odrednica sporog procesa demokratske konsolidacije u Crnoj Gori – neriješen problem državnosti. Autor se pritom ne usredotočuje na funkcionalnu državu nego, umjesto toga, koristi klasičnu definiciju državnosti s trima dimenzijama: državna moć, državni teritorij i narod. Članak nastoji pridonijeti boljem razumijevanju dvaju pitanja: procesu demokratizacije u Crnoj Gori i odnosu države i demokracije. U analizi se koristi metoda process-tracing kako bi se došlo do minimalnoga dovoljnog objašnjenja ishoda razvojem teorijskih uzročnih mehanizama. ; Almost 20 years since the fall of the semi-authoritarian regime, Montenegro is still regarded as a defective and not as a consolidated democracy. This article puts forward one key determinant for the slow process of democratic consolidation in Montenegro – the unresolved statehood problem. It thereby does not focus on the functional state, but instead uses the classical definition of statehood with three dimensions: state power, state territory, and the people. The article seeks to contribute to a better understanding of two issues: the democratization process of Montenegro and the relationship between the state and democracy. It uses the explaining outcome process tracing method and attempts to craft a minimally sufficient explanation of an outcome by developing theoretical causal mechanisms.

Osnovna nakana ovoga rada jest pokazati neke od magistralnih puteva kroz koje prolazi sustav lokalne samouprave u Republici Hrvatskoj. Proces europeizacije, naime, sve više zahvaća i oblikuje hrvatsku lokalnu samoupravu, uključujući implementaciju novih standarda rada kao što su procesi decentralizacije i dekoncentracije, privatizacije, liberalizacije, deregulacije, javnosti, transparentnosti i otvorenosti, te specijalizacije, informatizacije i digitalizacije itd. To su temeljne vrijednosti upravnih doktrina poput novog javnog menadžmenta, "dobre vladavine" i drugih. U kontekstu ove teme posebnu pozornost stavili smo na neke aspekte organizacijske strukture Splitsko-dalmatinske županije apostrofirajući pritom posebice podatke o kvalifikacijskoj, spolnoj i dobnoj strukturi zaposlenih u upravnim tijelima županije i neke pokazatelje o financijsko-proračunskom kapacitetu općina, gradova i same županije. ; The key aim of this paper is to demonstrate a few main pathsthrough which goes the system of local self-goverment in Croatia. Europeanization process more and more encompasses and shapes croatian local self goverment including implementation of new standards of work such as democratization and dispersion processes, public participation, transparency , openness and also specialities, informatization and digitalization. These are the fundamental values of admininistrative doctrines like new public managment, "good governance" ect. In the context of this subject of matter, we have put a special emphasis on some aspects of organizational structure of Split-Dalmatia County, underlining data about qualifications, age of employees in administrative structures of County and some data about financial-budget capacity of communities, towns and County.

Temeljno pitanje na koje ovaj rad pokušava dati odgovor jest zašto je demokratska transformacija bila uspješna u Tunisu, a u Egiptu i Alžiru nije. Istraživanju je primarno pristupljeno sa stajališta deskriptivno-empirijskih teorija aktera, iako su korištene i kulturalističke teorije kako bi se bolje razumjele političke ideje i stavovi islamističkih aktera. Strategija istraživanja je fokusirana komparativna studija triju slučajeva – Tunisa, Egipta i Alžira – odnosno intraregionalna komparativna studija, budući da je riječ o zemljama koje pripadaju podregiji Sjeverne Afrike kao podsustavu regije Bliskog istoka. Komparativna studija ima različite ishode na ovisnoj varijabli kako bi se izbjegla neprirodna selekcijska pristranost te postigao kvazieksperimentalan efekt. Hipoteza koja je ponuđena glasi da je Tunis imao mekši civilni autoritarni režim koji je dopuštao interakciju i suradnju oporbenih i režimskih elita, a što je rezultiralo političkim dogovorom te, posljedično, uspješnom demokratskom tranzicijom. U slučaju Egipta i Alžira interakcija oporbenih i režimskih elita imala je prvenstveno oblik sukoba te je izostao politički dogovor, a time i demokratska tranzicija. Neovisne varijable koje su izolirane u teorijskoj raspravi jesu: karakter prethodnog autoritarnog režima, uloga vojske, tip opozicije i vlasti, obrasci interakcije opozicije i vlasti, obrasci tranzicije u demokraciju. Uz te varijable, analiza obuhvaća i kolonijalno razdoblje koje je bitno zato što pokazuje jesu li te zemlje imale neko prethodno demokratsko iskustvo, je li ono imalo neki utjecaj na kasniju demokratizaciju, kakve su političke elite nastale u tom razdoblju i, konzekventno, kakav su oblik autoritarnog sustava kasnije izgradile. Iz analize proizlazi zaključak da je glavna hipoteza potvrđena. Tunis je bio "mekši" autoritarni režim, što je omogućilo suradnju starih i novih elita koja je rezultirala političkim dogovorom, a time i uspješnom demokratskom tranzicijom. U Egiptu i Alžiru je sukob starih i novih elita onemogućio uspješnu demokratizaciju. ; The main question this thesis tries to provide an answer to is why democratic transformation was successful in Tunisia, but not in Egypt and Algeria. The research approach is primarily rooted in descriptive-empirical actor theories, although culturalist theories were used as well, as to better understand the political ideas and stances of Islamist actors. The research strategy is a focused comparative three-case-study – comprising Tunisia, Egypt, and Algeria – i.e. an intra-regional comparative study since these countries belong to the subregion of North Africa, which is a subsystem of the Middle Eastern region. The comparative study has different outcomes on the dependent variable, in order to avoid unnatural selection bias and achieve a quasi-experimental effect. The proposed hypothesis claims that Tunisia had a softer civilian authoritarian regime which permitted interaction and cooperation of opposition and regime elites, which resulted in a political agreement and, subsequently, a successful democratic transition. In the cases of Egypt and Algeria, the interaction of opposition and regime elites primarily took the form of conflict, with a lack of a political agreement, and thus democratic transition. The independent variables which were isolated in the theoretical discussion were the following: the character of the previous authoritarian regime, the role of the army, opposition and government type, patterns of opposition-government interaction, patterns of transition to democracy. In addition, the analysis encompasses the colonial period as well, which is important because it demonstrates whether these countries had the previous democratic experience, whether it had some influence on later democratization, what kinds of political elites emerged in that period and, consequently, what form of an authoritarian regime they later established. The analysis provides the conclusion that the main hypothesis was confirmed. Tunisia was a "softer" authoritarian regime, which had enabled the cooperation of old and new elites, which resulted in a political agreement, and thus a successful democratic transition. In Egypt and Algeria, the conflict of old and new elites prevented successful democratization.

Autorica daje prikaz demokratizacije Gvatemale tijekom trećeg vala te analizira promjene vlada, režima i sustava. Navodi da je početku promjene političkog sustava Gvatemale prethodila faza predautokratskih iskustava s demokracijom (1944-1954) te da je nesposobnost da okonča dugotrajni građanski rat bio jedan od ključnih razloga početka kraja autoritarnog sustava (1954-1985). Uslijedila je prolongirana tranzicija (1985-1999) koja se odvijala u četiri faze i koju je nadgledala vojska, preuzevši na taj način ulogu snažnog protudemokratskog aktera veta. U fazi konsolidacije (2000-2012) stabilizirala se defektna demokracija, u kojoj je civilni demokratski režim ne samo pod pokroviteljstvom vojske već ga ugrožavaju i kriminalne organizacije. Zaključuje da se u proteklih stotinjak godina politička situacija u Gvatemali i nije znatno poboljšala s obzirom na to da je ona od banana-države postala defektna i najnekvalitetnija demokracija Latinske Amerike. ; The author provides an outline of Guatemala's democratization during the Third Wave, and analyses turnovers of governments, regimes and systems. She argues that the beginning of the change of Guatemala's political system was preceded by a stage of pre-autocratic experiences with democracy (1944-1954), and that the inability to end the long-lasting civil war was one of the key reasons for the beginning of the end of the authoritarian system (1954-1985). What followed was a prolonged transition (1985-1999) that proceeded in four stages and was supervised by the army which, in this way, assumed the role of a strong antidemocratic veto player. In the stage of consolidation (2000-2012) a defective democracy has been stabilized, in which the civilian democratic regime is not only under the patronage of the army, but is also threatened by criminal organizations. The author concludes that during the last hundred years or so the political situation in Guatemala has not improved significantly, since it has turned from a banana republic into a defective and the most substandard democracy in Latin America.

This paper presents the Brazilian specificities of the development of its public health and social assistance policies since the re-democratization process in the 1980s until today. Besides, it presents a wide range of conflicts between the economic interests and the political activism accountable for the advances of the public policies implementation. This evolution is presented as a subsidy to the reader's understanding of the development of a clinical solution for non-conventional settings specific to the Brazilian social and economic reality. Successful clinical experiences in health and social assistance based on phenomenology are presented, not only for diagnosis purposes, namely for understanding the people, for the context in the question, as well as the successful management development. The first case describes the provision of a peripatetic group therapy service, prior as a walking clinical practice, where the notion of territoriality and the dynamics of group interaction facilitate the understanding of the patients, while the intrinsic condition of the work also facilitates the establishment of transferential relationships. The second case describes the complexity of social welfare policy challenges through the clinical intervention while presenting a family in a social and economic vulnerability context. ; Rad prikazuje brazilske specifičnosti razvoja politike javnog zdravstva i socijalne pomoći od procesa redemokratizacije 80-ih godina prošlog stoljeća do danas. Osim toga, predstavlja širok raspon sukoba između ekonomskih interesa i političkog aktivizma koji je odgovoran za napredak u provedbi javnih politika. Ova evolucija predstavljena je kao subvencija razumijevanju razvoja kliničkog rješenja za nekonvencionalna okruženja, specifična za brazilsku društvenu i ekonomsku stvarnost. Prikazana su uspješna klinička iskustva u zdravstvenoj i socijalnoj pomoći temeljena na fenomenologiji, ne samo u svrhu dijagnoze, odnosno razumijevanja ljudi, konteksta, kao i uspješnog razvoja menadžmenta. Prvi slučaj opisuje pružanje usluge peripatetičke grupne terapije, prije kao hodajuće kliničke prakse, pri čemu pojam teritorijalnosti i dinamika grupne interakcije olakšavaju razumijevanje pacijenata, dok intrinzično stanje rada također olakšava uspostavljanje transferencijalnih odnosa. Drugi slučaj opisuje složenost izazova politike socijalne skrbi kroz kliničku intervenciju uz predstavljanje obitelji u kontekstu socijalne i ekonomske ranjivosti.

Knjiga je afirmirana kao metafora za svijet znanja, a umnogome je utjecala i na sam sadržaj znanja ne samo kao čuvarica i prenositeljica istog, pa stoga budućnost knjige i njezinih inačica nije tek rasprava o budućnosti nekog proizvoda već pitanje usmjeravanja procesa koji oblikuju kulture i civilizacije. Hoće li se s tiskanom knjigom dogoditi isto što se dogodilo s voštanim svijećama nakon izuma žarulje? Hoće li digitalizacija zapisa bitno utjecati ne samo na demokratizaciju, mobilnost, dostupnost, preglednost znanja, koja se knjigom u obje ove forma čuva i distribuira, ili će e-knjiga svojom multimedijalnom interaktivnošću i višedimenzionalnošću uvelike utjecati ne samo na distribuciju već i na samo znanje? Trenutne ponude i čitanosti e-knjige u Hrvatskoj sugeriraju da ona nije zaživjela. Ni državne politike nemaju stvarnih nakana potpomaganja eknjige. Potpore su započele, ali su tek simbolične, porezna regulativa ne izjednačava tiskanu i e-knjigu što svakako ne pomaže promociji i potpori e-knjige u Hrvatskoj. ; Book is affirmed as a metaphor for the world of knowledge and it has greatly influenced on the knowledge content not only as a keeper and carrier of the same, therefore future of the book and its varieties is not a discussion about some product future but an issue of directing processes which form cultures and civilizations. Will the printed book have the same future as candles after the light bulb had been invented? Will the writings digitalization greatly influence on democratization, mobility, availability, knowledge visibility, which is preserved and distributed in both of these forms or will the e-book with its multimedia interactivity and multidimensionality greatly influence not only on distribution but also knowledge? Current offers and readership rating of e-book in Croatia suggest that it is yet to take hold. State policies also do not have real intentions for supporting e-books. Support has started, but only symbolically, tax regulation does not equalize printed and e-book what certainly does not help promotion and support of e-book in Croatia.

The basic feature and specificity of Yugoslav pluralism are the institutional interest groups. These groups are the elements of the structure of the political system itself, and therefore directly included — institutionally and legislatively in the consideration is here primarily given to the enterprise. As the enterprise is given a special status in the constitutional political system of Yugoslavia in which it is legally recognized as a political category par excellence, the consideration is here primarily given to the enterprise. Analyzing the results of the interviews with the presidents of Communal Assemblies in Socialist Republic of Croatia and directors of some bigger enterprises in the same republic, the author investigates whether and to what extent the enterprise uses its power and influence in the political process — in what degree it is a policy making factor. The research results show considerable differences between the formal authority and factual power of the enterprises. Although all the enterprises have the same status constitutionally, the real differences are so great, that some enterprises make the policy of communes and even larger regions, and the influence of others is meager. The factor is the economic power. Besides the differences between the enterprises in power and influence, the research results give the evidence to the author's thesis that the enterprises significantly influence the process of political decision making. The actual possibility of the enterprise to act as an interest group is determined by many conditions — some of political and legislative, some of factual nature, primarily: a) by political and legal status in the total system, b) unstable normative structure which is subject to many influences and constant change, c) lack of the more stable criteria that would provide an evaluation of organizations and individuals according to their results, and last but not least; d) democratization of the system itself which is becoming more open to the expression of different interests and actions of interest groups. Finally, author examines some relevant theoretical and political aspects of the strike as a mean of the political pressure in the self-management system in Yugoslavia.

Rad "Društveno-političke prilike u ivanićkom kraju između dva svjetska rata" u prvom redu nastojat će prikazati događaje koji su obilježili međuratno razdoblje u tri općine ivanićkog kraja (Ivanić-Grad, Kloštar Ivanić, Križ). Uz demografski, društveni i gospodarski razvoj, posebna će se pažnja posvetiti okolnostima dinamičnih političkih zbivanja u tom kraju, koja su obilježila razdoblje od 1918. do 1941. godine. ; The area of municipalities Ivanić-Grad, Kloštar Ivanić and Križ in the times of monarchist Yugoslavia (from 1918 to 1941), went through a period of transformation. This territory had a fairly diverse social and economic structure, in which there was industry, commerce and trade, along with agriculture and livestock farming. The entire area had a centuries-long tradition of education, for which there was relatively little illiterates. Moreover, the idea of linking citizens to achieve common economic and social interests was very strong among the population. After 1918 all adult male citizens of Yugoslavia got universal suffrage. Therefore the Croatian people hoped that their rights would expand even further, while the new state government wanted to build a unitary and centralized state. Citizens of Ivanić area started the struggle for the preservation of their democratic and national rights. One of the biggest and earliest armed resistances to the regime's ideas, known as the Kriæ Republic, proved in 1920 that people were not happy with the situation in their environment. Despite of proclamation of Yugoslav dictatorship, with time the authorities would find that the thoughts and actions of citizens are very difficult to control. The citizens themselves in almost absolute numbers sided with the ideas of Croatian Peasant Party and the concept of political struggle for democratic, social and economic rights of Croatian people in the monarchist Yugoslavia. Therefore, the attacks against ideas and symbols of the regime became an everyday reality. In the years following the assassination of King Alexander there was a limited democratization of the state. They were also marked by an increasing activity of the HSS. This all led to the creation of the Banovina of Croatia in 1939. However, only a year and a half later, Kingdom of Yugoslavia and Croatian Banovina will disappear in a whirlwind of World War Two.

U radu se najprije ukratko ukazuje na nastanak Družbe Školskih sestara franjevki Krista Kralja te Bosansko-hrvatske provincije Prečistog Srca Marijina sa sjedištem u Sarajevu utemeljene ratne 1942. Redovnice ove Provincije uslijed represija komunističke vlasti nisu bile u mogućnosti posvetiti se vlastitoj karizmi: odgoju i obrazovanju, posebno mladih i siromašnih, ali većom demokratizacijom političke vlasti sedamdesetih i osamdesetih godina 20. stoljeća šire svoje pastoralno djelovanje. Vrlo važnu ulogu u tom procesu vraćanja svojstvenoj karizmi i njezinog očuvanja imalo je i provincijsko glasilo Marija među nama. U pojedinim primjercima toga lista između ostalog su i brojni sestarski literarni pokušaji koji svjedoče u prilog svjesnosti zajednice o važnosti pisane riječi. Redovnice u danim okolnostima nisu imale doticaj s književnim strujanjima toga doba, a ni ranijim. Stoga se u radu neće prosuđivati umjetnička vrijednost zapisanoga, niti će ga se uspoređivati s književnim dostignućima toga razdoblja, nego će se napraviti formalna i tematska raščlamba tekstova. ; The paper primarily indicates a history of formation of the congregation of the Franciscan School Sisters of Christ the King and the Bosnian-Croatian province of the Immaculate Heart of Mary in Sarajevo, founded in 1942. The Second World War and the post-war period affected worst the congregation, where all the provinces suffered relatively heavy losses. The sisters of the Bosnian-Croatian province as a result of the repression of the communist authorities were not able to devote the proper charism: education, especially of the young and the poor. However, higher democratization of political regime in the 70th and 80th they increase their pastoral work. Very important role in the process of returning to the main charisma and its preservation had Marija među nama – a newsletter in the community. In some copies of that paper, among other things, are also numerous literary attempts sent by sisters from all over the province. These texts testifying in support of community awareness of the importance of the written word. Sisters in the circumstances did not have contact with the literary currents of the time, and not earlier ones. Therefore, this paper will not judge artistic value on record, nor will it be compared to literary achievements of that period, but it will make a formal and thematic analysis of texts.

U članku se analizira situacija u tvornici obuće u Borovu u vrijeme demokratskih promjena 1990. Tvornica se krajem osamdesetih godina nalazi u ozbiljnoj krizi, ponajviše zbog strukturnih problema. Osim toga, učestali su štrajkovi i sukobi različitih nivoa vlasti oko nadzora nad tvornicom. Prvi višestranački izbori donose potpuno nove političke okolnosti u okruženju tvornice, dok u samoj tvornici neko vrijeme opstaju upravljačke strukture iz starog sustava. Na primjeru tzv. lipanjskog štrajka radnika 1990. u članku se pokušava prikazati koliko je socijalistička praksa i dalje bila aktualna, odnosno kako se radnicima umjesto suočavanja s problemima pokušava ponuditi novi kolektivistički okvir iluzije. U isto vrijeme prikazuje se kako je teška situacija radnika u kombinatu Borovo bila plodno tlo za širenje nacionalističkih teza. Na navedenim primjerima pokušava se analizirati teza o koaliciji socijalističke elite i radništva kroz kupovinu socijalnog mira, zatim teza o nacionalizmu kao novom "kolektivnom plaštu" koji je zamijenio socijalizam te, konačno, pokušava se propitati koliko su demokratske promjene u slučaju Borova bile zaista proces demokratizacije, a koliko nastojanja novih aktera da zauzmu mjesto u društvu koje je do tada imao Savez komunista. ; The article analyzes the situation in the footwear factory Borovo in the times of democratic changes in 1990. At the end of the 1980s the factory found itself in a serious crisis, mostly due to structural problems. Furthermore, strikes and conflicts of different levels of authority for custody over the factory were very frequent. First multiparty elections brought completely new political circumstances in the factory environment. However, in the factory there was still the same management as in the old system. In the article we examine, based on the example of the so-called June-strike of workers in 1990, to what extent the same socialist practice was still actual, that is, how the workers were offered a new framework of collective illusion, instead of making them face real problems. At the same time, the hard position of workers in Borovo was a "fertile ground" for nationalistic ideas. Based on the mentioned examples, we analyze the thesis about coalitio n of socialist elites and the working class by means of buying social peace. Furthermore, we analyze the thesis about nationalism as a new "collective mantle" which substitutes socialism. Finally, we examine to what extent democratic changes were truly a process of democratization rather than efforts of new actors to take over the position in society that was held by the Communist Party in the previous period.

Prednosti komunikacije te lakšu dostupnost ciljnih javnost preko društvenih mreža prepoznale su i političke elite te su, osim tradicionalnih oblika komunikacije, političku komunikaciju obogatile društvenim medijima. Dominantna društvena mreža u Hrvatskoj je Facebook, iako nemali broj osoba iz javnoga života koristi i Twitter kao sredstvo komunikacije. Premda se raspravlja jesu li društveni mediji unaprijedili demokraciju ili je ugrozili, činjenica je da je ta platforma omogućila transparentniju i dostupniju komunikaciju koja zasigurno utječe na izgradnju imidža pojedinaca i institucija iz političke arene, kojima je takav oblik komunikacije omogućio i izgradnju vlastite virtualne zajednice. Struktura rada sastoji se od nekoliko većih cjelina i pripadajućih podcjelina. Razlike koje su uočene istraživanjem upućuju na to da su institucije, dakle ministarstva, u Sloveniji u daleko većoj mjeri prisutna u viralnome prostoru nego li je to slučaj u Hrvatskoj. Gledaju li se sami nositelji javne vlasti, ministri, oni su u Hrvatskoj, za razliku od Slovenije, prisutniji sa svojim službenim Facebook stranicama. Takvi rezultati, iako znakoviti, ne upućuju na to da se u Hrvatskoj i Sloveniji komunikacija na digitalnim platformama koristi u svrhu političkoga diskursa ili u cilju informiranja ključnih aktera te posljedično kreiranja javnoga mišljenja o nekome političkom pitanju ; With the development of the Internet, as the fastest growing media, social networks have evolved, as well as everyday communication on these platforms. Benefits communication and easier access to the target public and has been recognized by the political elites and are, in addition to traditional forms of communication, political communication enriched communication on social media. The dominant social network in Croatia is Facebook, although not a small number of public life uses Twitter as a means of communication. Despite the numerous controversy over whether or not the social media have upgraded or threatened democracy, the fact is that this platform has enabled a more transparent and accessible communication that certainly has an impact on building the image of individuals and institutions from the political arena, which has made this form of communication possible to build a virtual community . The structure of the work consists of several larger entities and corresponding subdivisions. The first part of the work is based on theoretical insights. Minorizing the transition theory and democratization of post-communist societies, the theoretical part of the work also deals with civic participation and culture. All these transversal processes for three decades have also influenced the modification of communication, from top to bottom, therefore, towards citizens, from citizens to the public authorities. Therefore, political communication on social networks as well as social networks as a tool for creating a positive image in public relations will be treated theoretically. The second part of the deconstruction process is the presence of Croatian and Slovenian ministries, as a public authority institution and ministers on Facebook's social network. Compilation and descriptor methods, theoretical perspectives are dissected using relevant sources, while in the second part, the descriptive statistics method deconstructs the results obtained by research. Using the illustrations and the comparison method, the results are compared. At the end of the paper, the conclusion is based on theoretical strengths and results obtained.

Članak razmatra tri relevantna principa demokracije, inherentna suvremenom društvu: modernost, politika priznanja i sekularizam. Glavno pitanje kojim se bavi je održivost ovih principa kao temelja za zasnivanje kozmopolitske demokracije i utjecaja na daljnju demokratizaciju ljudskog svijeta. Članak (i) istražuje vezu između modernizacije i demokracije kroz perspektivu višestruke moderne kao mogućnosti za proširenje demokracije na nedemokratsko područje svijeta, (ii) analizira politiku priznanja kao temelj za kulturnu koegzistenciju i politički pluralizam, (iii) razmatra problem a) kako ideja sekularizma ugrožava (prijeti) ideju religioznosti i obratno te čine li to uopće; b) koliko je sekularizam sekularan te je li uopće (problem privatne i javne sfere); c) može li sekularizam ostati temeljni princip (kozmopolitske) demokracije. ; This paper reflects on three relevant principles of democracy which are inherent to the contemporary society. These principles are modernity, the politics of recognition, and secularism. The main question is concerned with the sustainability of these principles as the grounds for the foundation of cosmopolitan democracy, and further influence on the democratization of the human world. This paper (i) examines a relationship between modernization and democracy through the perspective of multiple modernities as a possibility for the extension of democracy over the non-democratic parts of the world; (ii) analyzes politics of recognition as a grounds for cultural coexistence and political pluralism and (iii) reflects on the issue of a) how the idea of secularism if/how the idea of secularism treats the idea of religiousness and vice versa, b) how much is secularism secular (the issue of public versus private sphere), and c) can secularism remain to be the basic principle of (cosmopolitan) democracy. ; Cet article examine trois principes pertinents de la démocratie, inhérents à la société actuelle : modernité, politique de reconnaissance et sécularisme. La principale question qu'il pose est celle du maintien de ces principes en tant que fondements pour l'établissement d'une société démocratique et de leur influence sur la démocratisation du monde humain. Cet article (i) étudie la relation entre la modernisation et la démocratie à partir de la perspective des multiples modernités comme possibilité d'étendre la démocratie dans les parties non-démocratiques du monde, (ii) analyse les politiques de reconnaissance comme fondement pour la coexistence culturelle et le pluralisme politique et (iii) réfléchit sur la question de savoir : a) si/comment l'idée du sécularisme traite de l'idée de la religiosité et inversement ; b) dans quelle mesure le sécularisme est séculaire (problème de la sphère publique vs. la sphère privée) ; c) si le sécularisme peut encore rester le principe de base de la démocratie (cosmopolite). ; Dieser Artikel reflektiert über drei relevante Demokratieprinzipien, inhärent der Gesellschaft von heutzutage: modernität, Politik der Anerkennung und Säkularismus. Die Hauptfrage, mit der es sich befasst, ist die Nachhaltigkeit dieser Prinzipien als Grundlage für die Gründung der kosmopolitischen Demokratie und für den Einfluss der weiteren Demokratisierung der menschenwelt. Aus der Perspektive der multiplen modernitäten untersucht der Artikel (i) die Beziehung zwischen der modernisierung und Demokratie als eine möglichkeit für die Ausbreitung der Demokratie auf die nicht demokratischen Gebiete der Welt, (ii) analysiert die Politik der Anerkennung als Fundament für die kulturelle Koexistenz und politischen Pluralismus, (iii) erwägt die Frage a) ob/wie die Idee des Säkularismus die Idee der Religiosität behandelt und umgekehrt; b) ob/inwieweit der Säkularismus säkular ist (das Thema der öffentlichen Sphäre vs. Privatsphäre); c) ob der Säkularismus als Grundprinzip der (kosmopolitischen) Demokratie verbleiben kann.