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The current Internet infrastructure is not able to support independent evolution and innovation at physical and network layer functionalities, protocols, and services, while at same time supporting the increasing bandwidth demands of evolving and heterogeneous applications. This paper addresses this problem by proposing a completely democratized optical network infrastructure. It introduces the novel concepts of optical white box and bare metal optical switch as key technology enablers for democratizing optical networks. These are programmable optical switches that their hardware is loosely connected internally and completely separated from their control software. To alleviate their complexity, a multidimensional abstraction mechanism utilising software defined network technology is proposed. It creates a universal model of the proposed switches without exposing their technological details. It also enables a conventional network programmer to develop network applications for control of the optical network without specific technical knowledge of the physical layer. Furthermore, a novel optical network virtualization mechanism is proposed, enabling composition and operation of multiple co-existing and application specific virtual optical networks sharing the same physical infrastructure. Finally, the optical white box and the abstraction mechanism are experimentally evaluated, while the virtualization mechanism is evaluated with simulation.

'Explaining Chinese Democratization' by Shahua Hu is reviewed.

An examination of the impact of the Guatemalan peace process on democratization & social justice focuses on what gains have/have not been achieved, & the expansion of political space. The Guatemalan experience from the early 1980s to the present is analyzed in relation to theoretical debates about democratization & social justice in Latin America. It is argued that situations involving long civil war/society upheavals cannot be completely understood from the viewpoint of the literature on democratic transitions. Rather, Central American countries that experienced revolutionary convulsions must also be examined within the context of the literature that emphasizes participatory & procedural dimensions of democratization. The evolution of the Guatemalan peace process is traced & key elements of the accords are described to contend that they have created a new political scenario. It is maintained however that democracy will remain weak & unconsolidated until the many resistances are overcome. The crucial issue of socioeconomic equity & its relation to political democracy are considered along with prospects for the future. 136 References. J. Lindroth

An examination of the impact of the Guatemalan peace process on democratization & social justice focuses on what gains have/have not been achieved, & the expansion of political space. The Guatemalan experience from the early 1980s to the present is analyzed in relation to theoretical debates about democratization & social justice in Latin America. It is argued that situations involving long civil war/society upheavals cannot be completely understood from the viewpoint of the literature on democratic transitions. Rather, Central American countries that experienced revolutionary convulsions must also be examined within the context of the literature that emphasizes participatory & procedural dimensions of democratization. The evolution of the Guatemalan peace process is traced & key elements of the accords are described to contend that they have created a new political scenario. It is maintained however that democracy will remain weak & unconsolidated until the many resistances are overcome. The crucial issue of socioeconomic equity & its relation to political democracy are considered along with prospects for the future. 136 References. J. Lindroth

In 2019, Thailand represents the case of an Asian country overshadowed by authoritarian forces, though it has time and again experienced attempts at democratization. This paper argues that democracy remains deficient in Thailand because, though there have been enormous advances in terms of the economy, social improvements and state stability, political space remains elusive and dominated by the monarchy and military. State formation in Thailand is a function of how entrenched social stratification has been reflected in a highly skewed distribution of economic resources. The paper asks the following five questions: First, why has Thailand, which appears to have become relatively strong in terms of economic and political stability, been unable to achieve democracy? Second, what has been the evolution of democracy versus authoritarianism in Thailand? Third, how have the linkages among state structures, economic relations and societal institutions evolved across time in Thailand? Fourth, what are the main features of their historical development today and how have these (as conditioned by domestic and international factors) affected Thailand's political conditions? Fifth, what is the likely future of Thai democracy? (Asian Aff/GIGA)

Jordan's political-liberalization program, initiated in 1989, represents the longest sustained such opening in the Arab world today. During this time, Jordan has held three national parliamentary elections, enacted a number of liberalizing laws, removed many restrictions on the press, and minimized the role that the security services, or mukhdbarit, play in repressing opposition. Moreover, the liberalization program has survived a number of severe challenges, including the second Gulf War and the subsequent loss of Jordan's major regional trading partner, Iraq; the implementation of a difficult domestic austerity program; and the conclusion of a controversial peace treaty with Israel. Democratization in Jordan has not followed the same path as the recent democratic transitions in East Asia, Latin America, and Eastern Europe. By closely examining Jordan's program of political liberalization' since 1989, I will argue that the process is best understood as a series of pre-emptive measures designed to maintain elite privilege in Jordan while limiting the appeal of more fundamental political change. The regime has skillfully managed and directed a process that has throughout protected the four pillars of power in Jordan: the monarchy and its coterie, the army and security services, wealthy business elites, and East Bank tribal leaders. It has simultaneously sought to undermine the only social force legally able to disrupt key regime policies, the Islamist Muslim Brotherhood, and its political party, the Islamic Action Front (IAF). In other words, uncertain about its ability to survive a deepening crisis, the regime undertook sufficient reform to assure its political longevity, but without altering the core structures of power in Jordan. I term this "defensive democratization." The concept of defensive democratization provides an additional nuance to our understanding of democratic transitions more generally by focusing attention on pre-emptive liberalizing strategies available to rentier states. This essay concludes by arguing that the strategy of defensive democratization in Jordan may not be able to withstand the likely political volatility in, and Islamization of, Palestinian politics in Jordan. Ironically, what may pose the greatest threat to the democratic transition in Jordan is peace, with the sorts of demographic and political challenges the 1994 agreement with Israel has unleashed. Indeed, contrary to the optimistic forecasts found in many of the recent works on civil society, the end of the Arab-Israeli conflict may well usher in a new era of authoritarianism in Jordan-and elsewhere in the Arab world.