Putin's Russia has developed into an increasingly authoritarian and conservative state. Anti-LGBT+ rhetoric has been adopted as part of Putin's narratives, challenging the hegemony of Western liberalism. LGBT+ rights are portrayed by the Kremlin as a Western liberal phenomenon that poses a threat to "traditional values." As part of its national security measures, Russia has devised a range of policies to limit LGBT+ rights. Consequently, LGBT+ Russians face challenging sociopolitical conditions where public visibility has become dangerous, accompanied as it is by censorship, discrimination, and even violence.
In: Swiss political science review: SPSR = Schweizerische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft = Revue suisse de science politique, Band 14, Heft 2, S. 245-285
Die Links-Rechts-Selbsteinschätzung wird in Stimmverhaltensstudien häufig als ein äusserst zuverlässiger Prädiktor des individuellen Entscheids ausgewiesen. Dabei ist jedoch keineswegs klar, wie sie auf den Urnenentscheid Einfluss nimmt. Über ihre Verhaltensrelevanz besitzen wir deshalb nur wenig gesichertes Wissen, da nach wie vor umstritten ist, worauf die ideologische Selbsteinstufung fusst. Ist sie ein Surrogat der Parteisympathie, wird sie aus grundlegenden gesellschaftspolitischen Überzeugungen hergeleitet oder ist sie - zumindest teilweise - ein Datenartefakt? Die empirische Analyse zeigt, dass eine Unterscheidung zwischen Parteigebundenen und -ungebundenen sowie der Einbezug der intervenierenden Variablen der politischen Informiertheit nötig ist, um den Determinanten der ideologischen Selbstidentifikation auf die Spur zu kommen. Dies ermöglicht die Differenzierung von vier Analysegruppen, für die unterschiedliche Aussagen Geltung haben. (Swiss Political Science Review / FUB)
Nostalgia has a bad reputation. Its critics dismiss it as mere sentimentality or, worse, a dangerous yearning for an imagined age of purity. And nostalgia is routinely blamed for trivializing the past and obscuring its ugly sides. In this volume, Tobias Becker offers a more nuanced and sympathetic view. Surveying the successive waves of nostalgia that swept the United States and Europe after the Second World War, he shows that longing for the past is more complex and sometimes more beneficial than it seems. The current meaning of "nostalgia" is surprisingly recent: until the 1960s, it usually just meant homesickness, in keeping with the original Greek word. Linking popular culture to postwar politics in the United States, Great Britain, and Germany, Becker explains the shift in meaning. He also responds to arguments against nostalgia, showing its critics as often shortsighted in their own ways as they defend an idea of progress no less naïve than the wistfulness they denounce. All too often, nostalgia itself is criticized, as if its merit did not depend on which specific past one longs for. Taking its title from one of the most popular songs of all time, and grounded in extensive research, this volume offers a rigorous and entertaining perspective on divisive issues in culture and politics. Whether we are revisiting, reviving, reliving, reenacting, or regressing, and whether these activities find expression in politics, music, fashion, or family history, nostalgia is inevitable. It is also powerful, not only serving to define the past but also orienting us toward the future we will create.
In: Swiss political science review: SPSR = Schweizerische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft : SZPW = Revue suisse de science politique : RSSP, Band 14, Heft 2, S. 245-285
Die Links‐Rechts‐Selbsteinschã¤tzung wird in Stimmverhaltensstudien hã¤ufig als ein äusserst zuverlã¤ssiger Prã¤diktor des individuellen Entscheids ausgewiesen. Dabei ist jedoch keineswegs klar, wie sie auf den Urnenentscheid Einfluss nimmt. Ãœber ihre Verhaltensrelevanz besitzen wir deshalb nur wenig gesichertes Wissen, da nach wie vor umstritten ist, worauf die ideologische Selbsteinstufung fusst. Ist sie ein Surrogat der Parteisympathie, wird sie aus grundlegenden gesellschaftspolitischen Ãœberzeugungen hergeleitet oder ist sie â‐" zumindest teilweise â‐" ein Datenartefakt? Die empirische Analyse zeigt, dass eine Unterscheidung zwischen Parteigebundenen und ‐ungebundenen sowie der Einbezug der intervenierenden Variablen der politischen Informiertheit nã¶tig ist, um den Determinanten der ideologischen Selbstidentifikation auf die Spur zu kommen. Dies ermã¶glicht die Differenzierung von vier Analysegruppen, fã¼r die unterschiedliche Aussagen Geltung haben.
McManus presents an intellectual history of the conservative and reactionary tradition, stretching from Aristotle and Confucius to Ayn Rand and Patrick Deneen. A critical guide to the history of conservative and reactionary thought for students and scholars of political science and political history
This book charts and traces state-mandated or state-encouraged "patriotic" histories that have recently emerged in many places around the globe. Such "patriotic" histories can revolve around both affirmative interpretations of the past and celebration of national achievements. They can also entail explicitly denialist stances against acknowledging responsibility for past atrocities, even to the extent of celebrating perpetrators. Whereas in some cases "patriotic" history takes the shape of a coherent doctrine, in others they remain limited to loosely connected narratives. By combining nationalist and narcissist narratives, and by disregarding or distorting historical evidence, "patriotic" history promotes mythified, monumental, and moralistic interpretations of the past that posit partisan and authoritarian essentialisms and exceptionalisms. Whereas the global debates in interdisciplinary memory studies revolve around concepts like cosmopolitan, global, multidirectional, relational, transcultural, and transnational memory, to mention but a few, the actual socio-political uses of history remain strikingly nation-centred and one-dimensional. This volume collects fifteen caste studies of such "nationalizations of history" ranging from China to the Baltic states. They highlight three features of this phenomenon: the ruthlessness of methods applied by many state authorities to impose certain interpretations of the past, the increasing discrepancy between professional and political approaches to collective memory, and the new "post-truth" context.This book will be of interest to students and researchers of international politics, the radical right and global history. It was originally published as a special issue of the Journal of Genocide Research.