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The author discusses the relationship between Hegel & Hobbes with regard to the tradition of natural law. Both thinkers start by considering the state of nature as a construct of reason. Yet while Hobbes describes the state of nature as the original state of the human race, Hegel in describing it rejects any social context. They both present natural law as an absolute fact of the individual's freedom, starting from which the whole political community has to be erected. The essential difference between Hobbes & Hegel begins with the demonstration of the ways in which radical individualism is being transcended. Hobbes believes that natural law has only been suppressed by the predominance of a legal & political order, while according to Hegel, the state of nature is a fiction & natural law achieves its realization only in a custom-ruled community. In Hegel the system of mediation is so powerful that a return to the state of nature appears to be impossible. In Hobbes, the natural state of war of all against all (Behemoth) is latent in the political community (Leviathan). The political community (Leviathan) exists only as long as it is able to suppress chaos (Behemoth). Adapted from the source document.

Autor na temelju literature, stranačkoga tiska i arhivskih izvora, analizira ustroj i ulogu posebnih, manje ili više organiziranih dijelova Čiste stranke prava (Starčevićeve hrvatske stranke prava / Stranke prava), zaduženih za organiziranje demonstracija i obračun s političkim protivnicima. Pritom polazi od tvrdnje hrvatske historiografije da je "borbenost" bila trajna odlika ove stranke, od njezinih početaka pa sve do konca Austro-Ugarske Monarhije, te smatra da se najranije od 1902. godine može pratiti neki oblik postojanja navedenih, manje ili više organiziranih dijelova stranke, zaduženih za mobilizaciju "ulice". Budući da je društvenu strukturu tih dijelova uglavnom činilo frankovačko radništvo i frankovačka mladež, autor svoju temu dovodi u odnos prema tadašnjim studentskim organizacijama i radničkom pokretu. Osim toga, autor svoju temu promatra i u odnosu prema vanjskoj politici Monarhije, te političkom stanju u banskoj Hrvatskoj. ; Based on literature, party print and archive sources, in this paper the author analyses the structure and role of individual, more or less organized segments of the Pure Party of Right (Starčević's Croatian Party of Right / Party of Right) charged with the organisation of demonstrations and conflict with political opponents. The starting point is the claim of Croatian historiography that flrebelliousness« was a permanent characteristic of this party from its beginning to the end of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The author claims that some trace of such segments of the party, whose duty it was to mobilize flthe street«, can only be traced back to as far as 1902. As the social structure of these segments was mostly made up by Frankovci working-class members and youth, the author brings the topic into comparison with today's student organizations and workers' movements. The author also studies the topic in relation to the Monarchy's foreign policy and the political state of Central Croatia.

Krajem Hladnog rata i kolapsom blokovskog sustava dolazi do procvata mirovnih operacija Ujedinjenih naroda koji teže utemeljiti svoju transformiranu ulogu u novom globalnom okruženju. Jedne od prvih demonstracija nove, aktivnije uloge UN-a bile su dvije, svojom složenošću vrlo slične, mirovne misije: UNTAC u Kambodži i UNPROFOR u bivšoj Jugoslaviji. Unatoč brojnim zajedničkim karakteristikama, te su misije ishodile vrlo različitim rezultatima. Dok UNTAC mirovnu misiju u Kambodži UN ponosno ističe kao jednu od najvećih uspjeha, UNPROFOR u bivšoj Jugoslaviji je priznat kao jedan od najvećih neuspjeha međunarodne zajednice. Rad se vodi idejom da bi upravo navedene misije, s potpuno različitih krajeva spektra, mogle otkriti jedan od ključnih faktora koji utječu na uspješnost peacekeepinga. Podrobnom analizom oba sukoba i obije misije potvrdit će se hipoteza kako se upravo taj odlučujući faktor, koji je odredio uspjeh u Kambodži, odnosno neuspjeh u bivšoj Jugoslaviji, ne nalazi unutar same mirovne misije, već se odnosi na karakter sukoba, to jest dužinu njegova vremenskog trajanja. ; Along with the Cold War ending and the Communist bloc demise, the United Nations, while seeking to establish its transformed role in the new global environment, begin to rapidly increase the number of peacekeeping missions. One of the first demonstrations of UN's new, more active role were two, by their complexity, very similar peace missions: UNTAC in Cambodia and UNPROFOR in Former Yugoslavia. Despite the numerous shared features, these missions produced substantialy different results. While the UN proudly upholds the UNTAC peace mission as one of the Organization's greatest archievements, UNPROFOR in the Former Yugoslavia is regarded as one of the biggest defeats of the international community. This paper aims to detect one of the key factors which influence the probability of peacekeeping success while comparing two missions from different ends of the spectrum. With the detailed analisis of both conflicts and missions, the hypothesis ...

Suvremeni pristupi i paradigme odgoja i obrazovanja, posebno u tzv. postkonvencijsko vrijeme, poimaju dijete kao aktivno biće koje može i treba sudjelovati u vlastitom odgoju i obrazovanju te preuzeti odgovornost za svoje ponašanje (Koller-Trbović i Žižak, 2005, Pećnik, 2008, Markovinović, 2010, Kušević, 2010). Iako je ideja participacije djece i uzimanja u obzir njihove perspektive relativno dobro zastupljena kroz stručne i znanstvene radove i rasprave, primjećuje se raskorak između ideje o participaciji i njezine stvarne primjene u praksi, pri čemu se govori o "plimi" retorike o participaciji i "oseci" praktične primjene i utjecaja na poboljšanje intervencija za djecu (Badham, 2004, prema Bessell, 2011). Istraživanje mišljenja i stavova djece i mladih u Hrvatskoj pokazalo je kako je glavni problem u vezi s pravima sudjelovanja djece, nepostojanje zadovoljavajućih institucionalnih mehanizama namijenjenih uključivanju djece u odlučivanje (Miharija i Kuridža, 2011). Stoga je cilj ovoga rada prikazati analizu stanja participacije djece u školi i to kroz prikaz relevantnih zakona i politika, istraživanja te primjera dobre prakse. Pregled recentne literature pokazuje nedostatak sustavnih pokazatelja o dječjoj participaciji u školi u svim segmentima, od teorijskih modela i istraživanja do primjera dobre prakse. Nedostatak podataka ukazuje na potrebu za daljnjim promicanjem dječje participacije u školi kroz znanstvene i stručne radove, participativne istraživačke projekte te interaktivne prikaze modela dječje participacije. ; Modern approaches and paradigms of education, especially in the so -called post-conventional time, conceive a child as an active being who can and should participate in his/her own education and take responsibility for his/her behavior (Koller-Trbovic and Žižak, 2005; Pećnik, 2008; Markovinović, 2010; Kušević, 2010). Although the idea of children's participation and taking into account their perspective is relatively well represented through professional and scientific papers and discussions, we can note the discrepancy between the idea of participation and its actual application in practice, whereat we are talking about the "high tide" of rhetoric of participation and "low tide" of practical application and impact on improving children's activities (Badham, 2004, according to Bessell, 2011). Survey on opinions and attitudes of children and young people in Croatia showed that a major problem in relation to the participation rights of children is the lack of satisfactory institutional mechanisms aimed at the involvement of children in decision-making (Miharija and Kuridža, 2011). Therefore, the aim of this paper is to present an analysis of the condition of participation of children in school through the presentation of relevant laws and policies, research and best practice. Overview of relevant literature has shown a shortage of methodical indicators about children's participation in school in all the segments, from theoretical models and research to models of good practice. Shortage of data draws attention to necessity for further promotion of children's participation in school through scientific and professional work, participatory research projects and interactive demonstration of children's participation models.

The author used the 1956 Hungarian anti-Stalinist rebellion as the starting point for a thorough rethinking of the political structures of man's existence, in particular of political power. Such a rethinking is based on the insight regarding the autonomy of the political with regard to the economic and class structure of society. From this is derived not only the specific rationality of state and politics, but also the specific political evils related to the very nature of political power. Specific rationality, specific evil -- therein lies the double and paradoxical originality of the political. It is the task of political philosophy to make this originality explicit and to clarify its paradox: the greatest political evil is linked with the greatest political rationality, and political alienation exists precisely because the political is relatively autonomous. The autonomy of the political is not only the idea of man's stepping into man-hood through citizen-hood, but also the distinctive character of the political connection in relation to the economic connection. The understanding and criticism of the political paradox can be approached only if one sets clear boundaries to the political sphere and perceives the validity of the distinction between the political and the economic. Every criticism presupposes this distinction, and it does not abolish it in any respect. In order to rediscover the sense of the political, one must return to Rousseau's reflection in continuation of a return to the thinkers of classical antiquity (Aristotle's Politics in particular) as basis for any criticism of power. The truth of the political, as the reality of state ideality, is the legal equality of all before all, irreducible to class conflicts, to the dynamics of economic supremacy and alienation. But the state is also -- will, administration and physical coercion. Thus the political as a reasonable organisation implies politics as decision: the political is always accompanied by politics. Unlike the political, which exists only in great moments, in "crises", at "turning points", at crossroads of history, politics is perceived as a set of actions aimed at winning, executing and retaining power. Precisely politics poses the problem of political evil. This however does not mean that power is identical to evil. But power is particularly prone to evil; throughout history it has been perhaps the greatest opportunity for evil and the greatest demonstration of evil. The reason for this is that power is a momentous thing, that power is the instrument of historical rationality of the state. This is the fundamental political paradox. A practical solution to this paradox -- to achieve that there is a state, but that there is not too much of it -- is possible only through democratic control of the people over the state and through invention of institutional techniques the purpose of which is to make possible the exercise of power and to make impossible any abuse thereof. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes recent Habermas' writings on the process of European integration & the new international political order. Having for a long time ignored the issues of foreign policy, in his recent works & speeches Habermas has increasingly turned to these topics. The supranational level is becoming important both due to the more severe limitations to state sovereignty in the process of globalization, & because of the development of new mechanisms of international cooperation & the new regional economic-political integrations. In his theory of democracy at the national level, he emphasizes its deliberative character & shows public communication as the central sphere of mediation between the informal (private) opinions & the institutions of the formation of political will. However, today it is necessary to go beyond the boundaries of the nation-state & establish the parallel mechanisms of political deliberation & decision-making at the international level. The most important step in that direction are regional integrations (in Europe, naturally, it is the European Union). The regional integrations must supplement the UN institutions to compensate for the loss of the ability to govern at the national level & to create a counterbalance to global capitalism. In this context it is important to get the answers to a certain crisis of the EU identity. The European Union today is often seen as a mechanism of bureaucratic management & restrictive regulation, instead of as a guarantor of good life. Habermas thinks that Europe should focus on the guarantees of fundamental rights & values such as the right to education, social justice, autonomy & participation. For that purpose, the European Union should develop into a federal state. To the Euro-skeptical objection that Europe lacks a state-building nation i.e a unified nation as the foundation of political community, Habermas responds that the European civil sodety, European public & the common political culture -- if, indeed, they can be built -- are sufficient for Europe's political unity. The process of designing & adopting the European Constitution has strengthened all three components. The Constitution also helps to explain the objectives of the European integration (boundaries of EU's expansion, interrelationship among levels of goverment) & to enhance legitimacy by creating a fundamental legal act, its the design of which European citizens are involved. For Habermas, the crisis of European unity caused by the disunity of the member-countries' governments over the American war in Iraq is an opportunity. The mobilization of the European civil society against that war (as demonstrated by the pan-European peace demonstrations of 15 February 2003) & the creation of the model of the procedurally well-ordered international politics & cooperation which boosts economic development & social security serve as the counterbalance to the American unilateralism & the aspiration for domination. Habermas supports the model of "multispeed Europe" & thinks that it will not cause a rift in the EU, but can as a matter of fact dynamize the process of European integration. The author concludes that Habermas' political views of the European integration & international politics contain a remarkable dose of utopism. However, the attempt to see beyond the limitations of the existing political reality is a must if these limitations are to be overcome. 12 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes recent Habermas' writings on the process of European integration & the new international political order. Having for a long time ignored the issues of foreign policy, in his recent works & speeches Habermas has increasingly turned to these topics. The supranational level is becoming important both due to the more severe limitations to state sovereignty in the process of globalization, & because of the development of new mechanisms of international cooperation & the new regional economic-political integrations. In his theory of democracy at the national level, he emphasizes its deliberative character & shows public communication as the central sphere of mediation between the informal (private) opinions & the institutions of the formation of political will. However, today it is necessary to go beyond the boundaries of the nation-state & establish the parallel mechanisms of political deliberation & decision-making at the international level. The most important step in that direction are regional integrations (in Europe, naturally, it is the European Union). The regional integrations must supplement the UN institutions to compensate for the loss of the ability to govern at the national level & to create a counterbalance to global capitalism. In this context it is important to get the answers to a certain crisis of the EU identity. The European Union today is often seen as a mechanism of bureaucratic management & restrictive regulation, instead of as a guarantor of good life. Habermas thinks that Europe should focus on the guarantees of fundamental rights & values such as the right to education, social justice, autonomy & participation. For that purpose, the European Union should develop into a federal state. To the Euro-skeptical objection that Europe lacks a state-building nation i.e a unified nation as the foundation of political community, Habermas responds that the European civil sodety, European public & the common political culture -- if, indeed, they can be built -- are sufficient for Europe's political unity. The process of designing & adopting the European Constitution has strengthened all three components. The Constitution also helps to explain the objectives of the European integration (boundaries of EU's expansion, interrelationship among levels of goverment) & to enhance legitimacy by creating a fundamental legal act, its the design of which European citizens are involved. For Habermas, the crisis of European unity caused by the disunity of the member-countries' governments over the American war in Iraq is an opportunity. The mobilization of the European civil society against that war (as demonstrated by the pan-European peace demonstrations of 15 February 2003) & the creation of the model of the procedurally well-ordered international politics & cooperation which boosts economic development & social security serve as the counterbalance to the American unilateralism & the aspiration for domination. Habermas supports the model of "multispeed Europe" & thinks that it will not cause a rift in the EU, but can as a matter of fact dynamize the process of European integration. The author concludes that Habermas' political views of the European integration & international politics contain a remarkable dose of utopism. However, the attempt to see beyond the limitations of the existing political reality is a must if these limitations are to be overcome. 12 References. Adapted from the source document.