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Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Introduction -- 1. Good Energy Policy is the Key to America's Energy Future -- 2. Government Interference in the Energy Industry is Bad Policy -- 3. Energy Independence is a Worthwhile and Achievable Goal -- 4. Energy Independence is a Misguided and Unrealistic Goal -- 5. Dependence on Oil Threatens America's Interests -- 6. Dependence On Oil is not a Threat to National Security -- 7. Good Relations with Venezuela is the Key to U.S. Energy Security -- 8. The United States should not Seek to Control Iraqi Oil -- 9. The United States should be More Involved in Iraqi Oil Development -- 10. Coal is the Key to America's Energy Future -- 11. Coal-Based Energy Independence Threatens the Environment -- 12. Using Home-Grown Ethanol can Contribute to Energy Independence -- 13. Ethanol will not Contribute to U.S. Energy Independence -- 14. Energy-Efficient Transportation can Reduce America's Foreign Oil Dependence -- Organizations to Contact -- Bibliography -- Index -- Back Cover

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Figures -- Tables -- Acknowledgments -- Foreign Policy and Economic Dependence -- 1. Introduction -- 2. International Economic Dependence -- 3. Foreign Policy Compliance -- 4. United States Economic Dependencies -- 5. Compliance in the General Assembly -- 6. Theoretical and Policy Implications -- Notes -- Index

Chris Edwards


Federal government spending is soaring and debt will soon reach record highs compared to the size of the economy. Rising spending and debt are undermining growth and may push the nation into a financial crisis.
As the federal government's size has expanded, the scope of its activities has also grown. The government subsidizes farming, health care, school lunches, broadband, rural utilities, energy, rental housing, aviation, passenger rail, public broadcasting, chip manufacturing, job training, foreign aid, education, urban transit, space exploration, and hundreds of other activities.
For decades, the government has published an official list of all its grant or subsidy programs for the states, businesses, nonprofits, and individuals. The list used to be called the Catalog of Federal Domestic Assistance but is now called Assistance Listings. The list is a rough indicator of the steadily expanding scope of federal interventions.
The chart shows that there are 2,418 federal grant or subsidy programs in 2023, more than double the number in 1990. Each new subsidy program requires higher taxes or more federal borrowing. Each subsidy generates a bureaucracy, spawns lobby groups, and encourages more special interests to demand handouts.
The rise in size and scope of federal subsidies means that Americans are losing their independence. State and local governments, businesses, nonprofits, and individuals that become hooked on subsidies become tools of the federal government. They have less incentive to work and innovate, and they shy away from criticizing government policies.
Let's all celebrate July 4, but remember that the path to freedom and prosperity is to cut the size and scope of the federal government.







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Data Notes: Counts for 2020 and 2023 are from July listings under grantsgov here. Previous years were counts based on hardcopy and electronic versions of the Catalog of Federal Domestic Assistance. The new Assistance Listings keeps the same CFDA numbers. The counts should be considered only a rough measure of federal subsidies since what constitutes one program and one grant is rather loose.
An example of a new grant program is CFDA 20.939 for safe streets enacted in 2021. You can get a sense of the bureaucracy in this one new subsidy program reading the materials here and here. There is no reason for this new federal intervention, as the states themselves are in favor of safe streets and have their own revenue sources.

STUDY EXAMINES THE PROPOSITION THAT ASYMMETRICAL TRADE VULNERABILITY COMPROMISES THE FOREIGN POLICY BEHAVIOR OF THE MORE DEPENDENT OF 2 PARTNERS, ANALYZING TRADE AND FOREIGN POLICY RELATIONS BETWEEN THE US AND 25 NATIONS THAT WERE TRADE DEPENDENT UPON IT BETWEEN 1950-73. SELECTED ROLL CALLS OF THE UN GENERAL ASSEMBLY ARE USED AND FINDINGS, SUPPORTING THE HYPOTHESIS, ARE DISCUSSED.

Während der slowakische Ministerpräsident Vladimir Meciar ursprünglich die außenpolitische Rolle der Slowakei als Brücke zwischen Ost- und Westeuropa definierte, scheint er inzwischen - ebenso wie Außenminister Jozef Moravcik und Präsident Michal Kovac - zu einem festen Verfechter einer Westintegration der Slowakei geworden zu sein. Der Beitrag beleuchtet die politische Auseinandersetzung um die grundsätzliche außenpolitische Orientierung des Landes und geht auf die slowakische Außenpolitik gegenüber einzelnen westlichen und östlichen Staaten sowie gegenüber der NATO im ersten Jahr der staatlichen Unabhängigkeit der Slowakei ein. (BIOst-Srt)

Mauritiusbecame independent on 12 March 1968, and was then said to be the paradigm of the small isolated, poor, dependent country, only emerging from the colonial era to fall immediately into neocolonialism – the Third World's Third World.

There are both military and political dimensions to arms transfers, and their effects on state behavior may not be the same. In this article I examine the degree to which arms transfers and arms transfer dependence interact to affect foreign policy conflict. I hypothesize that, as a transfer of military capability, weapons shipments increase the tendency of the recipient to strike a conflictual posture in its foreign policy, while arms transfer dependence restrains that tendency. An arms recipient faces the possibility that weapons shipments will be curtailed during periods of regional crisis and hostility, and when a state is dependent on one or a few major suppliers for the bulk of its imported weaponry, the costs associated with supply restrictions increases. This should encourage restraint on the part of states otherwise emboldened by arms acquisitions. My analysis treats conflictual behavior as a multiplicative function of arms transfers and arms transfer dependence. Parameter estimates are derived from time series data for nine states engaged in enduring rivalries during the Cold War. For some of these states, there is evidence that arms shipments encouraged more conflictual foreign policies; but there is also evidence that this propensity was tempered by the degree of arms transfer dependence. The model is non-linear, so the precise effects of dependence vary depending on context - i.e. the state's current level of arms importation and dependence - but realistic predictions involve changes in foreign policy conflict equal to 5-25% of their mean levels during the period.