Suchergebnisse

Ongoing economic globalization processes of the late decades and the increasing integration of markets and societies have changed the world and the traditional intercourse among states. The importance of economic interests of countries is constantly rising. Academic literature often mentions and existing tension (competition) between politics and economics. That is why there is a question,- are these interests compatible or competing in Lithuania? The object of this study: Lithuanian economic interest representation and the interaction among economic and political interests of the state. Purpose: to find out how important are economic interests in the contemporary Lithuanian foreign policy; in what way and how much can they influence it. In order to implement the main purpose of this study these objectives are being met: To review the interpretation of the relation between economics and politics in the internationa relations discipline; To analyze which [and in what extent] economic interests are being mentioned in the most important foreign policy documents and what is their significance in those documents; To explore the institutionalization of economic interest representation; To identify the weaknesses of economic interest representation in foreign countries; To study the interaction between economic and political interests according to the most important Lithuanian foreign policy regional courses - Europe, CIS, Asia and America; To propose recommendations for the improvement of Lithuanian economic (diplomacy) foreign policy. Lithuanian economic interests in this study are considered as the promotion of common economic relations (foreign trade) and of the export of nations products and services; attracting of foreign direct investment, protection and representation of the interests of the national economy subjects. After implementing the objectives of this study the following conclusions were derived: • The ongoing globalization processes transform the foreign policies of many countries. Representation of economic interests is becomming one of its essential elements. • Since the regaining of independency economic and foreign policy were considered as two different areas. Membership in the EU has highlighted the importance of economic interest representation and the necessity to integrate them into the common foreign policy. • Lithuanian institutions, responsible for shaping and implementing foreign policy, consider economic interests in different ways; • Lithuania has adopted the competetive model of economic diplomacy; • Lithuanian economic diplomacy has the following weaknesses: - Lack of coordination among the most important institutions which shape and implement economic diplomacy; - The absence of a unified Lithuanian economic diplomacy strategy; - No "country marketing" (image strategy, country branding) has been created yet; - The lack of "aggression" in Lithuanian diplomats who coordinate economic affairs; - Failing communication among businessmen and diplomats; In order to improve the representation of Lithuanian economic interests and their protection in foreign countries the following measures ought to be implemented: • Protect the national interests in the EU more actively; • Reduce the tensions between politics and economics in the cases of Russia and Belarus; • Significantly strengthen the diplomatic-economic representation in Asian countries; • Use good political relations and the transatlantic partnership in achieving economic aims in America;. • Improve the coordination of actions among the institutions which implement economic diplomacy; • Regulate and separate the functions of the institutions implementing economic diplomacy more clearly; • Create a unified strategy for the representation of Lithuanian economic interests. • Pay more attention to economic diplomacy as a discipline in universities.

Ongoing economic globalization processes of the late decades and the increasing integration of markets and societies have changed the world and the traditional intercourse among states. The importance of economic interests of countries is constantly rising. Academic literature often mentions and existing tension (competition) between politics and economics. That is why there is a question,- are these interests compatible or competing in Lithuania? The object of this study: Lithuanian economic interest representation and the interaction among economic and political interests of the state. Purpose: to find out how important are economic interests in the contemporary Lithuanian foreign policy; in what way and how much can they influence it. In order to implement the main purpose of this study these objectives are being met: To review the interpretation of the relation between economics and politics in the internationa relations discipline; To analyze which [and in what extent] economic interests are being mentioned in the most important foreign policy documents and what is their significance in those documents; To explore the institutionalization of economic interest representation; To identify the weaknesses of economic interest representation in foreign countries; To study the interaction between economic and political interests according to the most important Lithuanian foreign policy regional courses - Europe, CIS, Asia and America; To propose recommendations for the improvement of Lithuanian economic (diplomacy) foreign policy. Lithuanian economic interests in this study are considered as the promotion of common economic relations (foreign trade) and of the export of nations products and services; attracting of foreign direct investment, protection and representation of the interests of the national economy subjects. After implementing the objectives of this study the following conclusions were derived: • The ongoing globalization processes transform the foreign policies of many countries. Representation of economic interests is becomming one of its essential elements. • Since the regaining of independency economic and foreign policy were considered as two different areas. Membership in the EU has highlighted the importance of economic interest representation and the necessity to integrate them into the common foreign policy. • Lithuanian institutions, responsible for shaping and implementing foreign policy, consider economic interests in different ways; • Lithuania has adopted the competetive model of economic diplomacy; • Lithuanian economic diplomacy has the following weaknesses: - Lack of coordination among the most important institutions which shape and implement economic diplomacy; - The absence of a unified Lithuanian economic diplomacy strategy; - No "country marketing" (image strategy, country branding) has been created yet; - The lack of "aggression" in Lithuanian diplomats who coordinate economic affairs; - Failing communication among businessmen and diplomats; In order to improve the representation of Lithuanian economic interests and their protection in foreign countries the following measures ought to be implemented: • Protect the national interests in the EU more actively; • Reduce the tensions between politics and economics in the cases of Russia and Belarus; • Significantly strengthen the diplomatic-economic representation in Asian countries; • Use good political relations and the transatlantic partnership in achieving economic aims in America;. • Improve the coordination of actions among the institutions which implement economic diplomacy; • Regulate and separate the functions of the institutions implementing economic diplomacy more clearly; • Create a unified strategy for the representation of Lithuanian economic interests. • Pay more attention to economic diplomacy as a discipline in universities.

From a historical perspective, it is important to note that Australia's foreign policy, as an autonomous and independent from the United Kingdom, began to take shape quite late. It was the Second World War when the weakening Great Britain remained unable to maintain the colonial government in many of its colonies and overseas territories. Australia used this situation to seek closer relations with the United States. Since the formation of the country's foreign policy beginning in Australia's foreign policy a U.S made the major impact. It is emphasized that Australia's foreign policy not only could not be seen without the U.S., but the country would mean the loss of Australia's main strategic partner and key defensive capacity. On the other hand, the U.S. is actively engaged, Australia to turn their satellite. De facto this country can be called the ambassador of the U.S. in Southeast Asia and Oceania. While Australia can be considered one of the region's leaders, however, Australia is a country characterized by an inferiority complex. This circumstance complicates the spread of its influence in the region and aims to become a strong "Medium Power". Australia's interest in the region cannot be denied, however, has seen its capacity levels to those of the world, which not only does not affect the development of the country, and provide questionable benefits to the Australian policies. It is noted that Australia since the start of cooperation with the United States actively participates in all of the U.S. wars. So we can predict that the next step would be to complete the Australian military's entrance into the U.S. armed forces, then the transfer of powers to the foreign policy of the Washington administration. It should be noted that such a step in Canberra is likely if it would be a real threat. Australia, through its humble U.S. policy and at the same time to the region's power in Asia and Oceania, has recently faced with the Chinese ambition to become a regional hegemony. While in China this step seems perfectly logical, but for Canberra administration, this situation is worrying. For this reason, Australian and the U.S. administrations in the near future may become even more intense, and Canberra may seek greater U.S. military presence in increasing the number of its territory. Subject of research was selected - "Forreign Policy of Australia: Development and Pecularity". The paper presents the foreign policy development, analyzed the problems of foreign policy in the region and globally. The paper aims to reveal the Australian foreign policy in the region's stability and its development. Seen not only in the past and the present, but also reveals the possible scenarios for the region. Australia's foreign policy can be identified as having specific characteristics and thus stands apart from other large and medium-sized countries. Adapting to the current situation it is actively reconfiguring its ongoing foreign policy. Australia's foreign policy is still making its development, and this formation already takes more than 40 years. This unique phenomenon is unique to Australian politics. Revealed the importance of Australia's foreign policy is its desire to dominate the Southern Hemisphere, South Africa, and East Asia. It should be noted that the twenty-first century. Australia's foreign policy focuses on one region - South-East Asia. Party is important to maintain peace and stability in Southeast Asia, because the region is important for Australia of their economic potential, and energy resources.

From a historical perspective, it is important to note that Australia's foreign policy, as an autonomous and independent from the United Kingdom, began to take shape quite late. It was the Second World War when the weakening Great Britain remained unable to maintain the colonial government in many of its colonies and overseas territories. Australia used this situation to seek closer relations with the United States. Since the formation of the country's foreign policy beginning in Australia's foreign policy a U.S made the major impact. It is emphasized that Australia's foreign policy not only could not be seen without the U.S., but the country would mean the loss of Australia's main strategic partner and key defensive capacity. On the other hand, the U.S. is actively engaged, Australia to turn their satellite. De facto this country can be called the ambassador of the U.S. in Southeast Asia and Oceania. While Australia can be considered one of the region's leaders, however, Australia is a country characterized by an inferiority complex. This circumstance complicates the spread of its influence in the region and aims to become a strong "Medium Power". Australia's interest in the region cannot be denied, however, has seen its capacity levels to those of the world, which not only does not affect the development of the country, and provide questionable benefits to the Australian policies. It is noted that Australia since the start of cooperation with the United States actively participates in all of the U.S. wars. So we can predict that the next step would be to complete the Australian military's entrance into the U.S. armed forces, then the transfer of powers to the foreign policy of the Washington administration. It should be noted that such a step in Canberra is likely if it would be a real threat. Australia, through its humble U.S. policy and at the same time to the region's power in Asia and Oceania, has recently faced with the Chinese ambition to become a regional hegemony. While in China this step seems perfectly logical, but for Canberra administration, this situation is worrying. For this reason, Australian and the U.S. administrations in the near future may become even more intense, and Canberra may seek greater U.S. military presence in increasing the number of its territory. Subject of research was selected - "Forreign Policy of Australia: Development and Pecularity". The paper presents the foreign policy development, analyzed the problems of foreign policy in the region and globally. The paper aims to reveal the Australian foreign policy in the region's stability and its development. Seen not only in the past and the present, but also reveals the possible scenarios for the region. Australia's foreign policy can be identified as having specific characteristics and thus stands apart from other large and medium-sized countries. Adapting to the current situation it is actively reconfiguring its ongoing foreign policy. Australia's foreign policy is still making its development, and this formation already takes more than 40 years. This unique phenomenon is unique to Australian politics. Revealed the importance of Australia's foreign policy is its desire to dominate the Southern Hemisphere, South Africa, and East Asia. It should be noted that the twenty-first century. Australia's foreign policy focuses on one region - South-East Asia. Party is important to maintain peace and stability in Southeast Asia, because the region is important for Australia of their economic potential, and energy resources.

From a historical perspective, it is important to note that Australia's foreign policy, as an autonomous and independent from the United Kingdom, began to take shape quite late. It was the Second World War when the weakening Great Britain remained unable to maintain the colonial government in many of its colonies and overseas territories. Australia used this situation to seek closer relations with the United States. Since the formation of the country's foreign policy beginning in Australia's foreign policy a U.S made the major impact. It is emphasized that Australia's foreign policy not only could not be seen without the U.S., but the country would mean the loss of Australia's main strategic partner and key defensive capacity. On the other hand, the U.S. is actively engaged, Australia to turn their satellite. De facto this country can be called the ambassador of the U.S. in Southeast Asia and Oceania. While Australia can be considered one of the region's leaders, however, Australia is a country characterized by an inferiority complex. This circumstance complicates the spread of its influence in the region and aims to become a strong "Medium Power". Australia's interest in the region cannot be denied, however, has seen its capacity levels to those of the world, which not only does not affect the development of the country, and provide questionable benefits to the Australian policies. It is noted that Australia since the start of cooperation with the United States actively participates in all of the U.S. wars. So we can predict that the next step would be to complete the Australian military's entrance into the U.S. armed forces, then the transfer of powers to the foreign policy of the Washington administration. It should be noted that such a step in Canberra is likely if it would be a real threat. Australia, through its humble U.S. policy and at the same time to the region's power in Asia and Oceania, has recently faced with the Chinese ambition to become a regional hegemony. While in China this step seems perfectly logical, but for Canberra administration, this situation is worrying. For this reason, Australian and the U.S. administrations in the near future may become even more intense, and Canberra may seek greater U.S. military presence in increasing the number of its territory. Subject of research was selected - "Forreign Policy of Australia: Development and Pecularity". The paper presents the foreign policy development, analyzed the problems of foreign policy in the region and globally. The paper aims to reveal the Australian foreign policy in the region's stability and its development. Seen not only in the past and the present, but also reveals the possible scenarios for the region. Australia's foreign policy can be identified as having specific characteristics and thus stands apart from other large and medium-sized countries. Adapting to the current situation it is actively reconfiguring its ongoing foreign policy. Australia's foreign policy is still making its development, and this formation already takes more than 40 years. This unique phenomenon is unique to Australian politics. Revealed the importance of Australia's foreign policy is its desire to dominate the Southern Hemisphere, South Africa, and East Asia. It should be noted that the twenty-first century. Australia's foreign policy focuses on one region - South-East Asia. Party is important to maintain peace and stability in Southeast Asia, because the region is important for Australia of their economic potential, and energy resources.

Šiame straipsnyje žvelgiama į Japonijos politinės kultūros ir vidaus veiksnių poveikį jos užsienio politikos formavimui. Atsakymo apie neįprastą Japonijos užsienio politikos pastovumą bei aukštą nuosaikumo laipsnį kardinaliai keičiantis tarptautinės sistemos struktūrai bandoma ieškoti įsišaknijusioje kultūroje, tradicijose ir istoriniuose pasakojimuose. Analizuojant Japonijos užsienio politikos elgesio modelį politikos, saugumo ir ekonomikos dimensijoje bei užsienio politikos vykdymą naudojant tyliąją diplomatiją, pateikiamos pagrindinės užsienio bei Japonijos tyrinėtojų siūlomos Japonijos užsienio politikos alternatyvos.

Šiame straipsnyje žvelgiama į Japonijos politinės kultūros ir vidaus veiksnių poveikį jos užsienio politikos formavimui. Atsakymo apie neįprastą Japonijos užsienio politikos pastovumą bei aukštą nuosaikumo laipsnį kardinaliai keičiantis tarptautinės sistemos struktūrai bandoma ieškoti įsišaknijusioje kultūroje, tradicijose ir istoriniuose pasakojimuose. Analizuojant Japonijos užsienio politikos elgesio modelį politikos, saugumo ir ekonomikos dimensijoje bei užsienio politikos vykdymą naudojant tyliąją diplomatiją, pateikiamos pagrindinės užsienio bei Japonijos tyrinėtojų siūlomos Japonijos užsienio politikos alternatyvos.

Šiame straipsnyje žvelgiama į Japonijos politinės kultūros ir vidaus veiksnių poveikį jos užsienio politikos formavimui. Atsakymo apie neįprastą Japonijos užsienio politikos pastovumą bei aukštą nuosaikumo laipsnį kardinaliai keičiantis tarptautinės sistemos struktūrai bandoma ieškoti įsišaknijusioje kultūroje, tradicijose ir istoriniuose pasakojimuose. Analizuojant Japonijos užsienio politikos elgesio modelį politikos, saugumo ir ekonomikos dimensijoje bei užsienio politikos vykdymą naudojant tyliąją diplomatiją, pateikiamos pagrindinės užsienio bei Japonijos tyrinėtojų siūlomos Japonijos užsienio politikos alternatyvos.

The article asks the question, how foreign policy is explained by analyzing historical analogies that are voiced by policymakers? It is claimed that conventional approaches are too narrow because of two reasons. The first reason is the way conventional approaches perceive the role of historical analogies. The second reason is the dominance of positivist assumptions about history and language analysis in conventional approaches. This article presents an alternative explanation of how and why policymakers use historical analogies and develops new model for analysis of historical analogies. The model is based on the assumptions of rule-oriented constructivism, speech act theory and dialogical analysis method.

The article asks the question, how foreign policy is explained by analyzing historical analogies that are voiced by policymakers? It is claimed that conventional approaches are too narrow because of two reasons. The first reason is the way conventional approaches perceive the role of historical analogies. The second reason is the dominance of positivist assumptions about history and language analysis in conventional approaches. This article presents an alternative explanation of how and why policymakers use historical analogies and develops new model for analysis of historical analogies. The model is based on the assumptions of rule-oriented constructivism, speech act theory and dialogical analysis method.

The article asks the question, how foreign policy is explained by analyzing historical analogies that are voiced by policymakers? It is claimed that conventional approaches are too narrow because of two reasons. The first reason is the way conventional approaches perceive the role of historical analogies. The second reason is the dominance of positivist assumptions about history and language analysis in conventional approaches. This article presents an alternative explanation of how and why policymakers use historical analogies and develops new model for analysis of historical analogies. The model is based on the assumptions of rule-oriented constructivism, speech act theory and dialogical analysis method.

The article asks the question, how foreign policy is explained by analyzing historical analogies that are voiced by policymakers? It is claimed that conventional approaches are too narrow because of two reasons. The first reason is the way conventional approaches perceive the role of historical analogies. The second reason is the dominance of positivist assumptions about history and language analysis in conventional approaches. This article presents an alternative explanation of how and why policymakers use historical analogies and develops new model for analysis of historical analogies. The model is based on the assumptions of rule-oriented constructivism, speech act theory and dialogical analysis method.

The paper examines the links between economic indicators and the defence burden in selected NATO countries during the period between 1980 and 2020. Three of the largest NATO spenders in terms of defence, such as Greece, Turke, and the USA, have been chosen for the investigation. The question being posed by this research is whether economic factors have an impact on the defence burden. To answer this question, the Autoregressive Distributed Lag (further ARDL) modelling has been employed. The results reveal that, in the long-run, the defence burden responds negatively to output changes in the cases of Turkey and Greece. Inflation and the number of military personnel have positive effects on the defence burden in all three countries in the long-run. While in Greece the government gross debt affects the defence burden positively, in the United States and Turkey the government gross debt affects the defence burden negatively. Moreover, the investigation has shown that defence expenditure is less affected by economic determinants in the short term rather than in the long term. The outcomes of the study could be incorporated into the economic development policies of Greece, Turkey and the USA.

The aim of this dissertation is to reveal the relationship between the collective identity of Lithuanian foreign policy decision-makers, the concept of Lithuanian identity and national interests as articulated by these persons and particular foreign policy choices. Based on the constructivism theory of international relations, the paper formulates theoretical assumptions to research processes involved in foreign policy decision making and state identity formation. Aspects of the constructivism theory in international relations are examined and key ideas are highlighted and used in the analysis. The study distinguishes and addresses two main elements – the state identity and foreign policy decisions – by showing how the interaction of these elements enables to reveal the relationship between identity factors and foreign policy decision emergence and making. The formulated analysis principles allow to disclose how and what intersubjective values (identity perceptions) affect foreign policy decisions in practice. For this purpose, three Lithuanian foreign policy decisions are analyzed: 1) Lithuanian membership in NATO, 2) support for the US in the Iraq war, 3) formulation and realisation of the New Lithuanian Foreign Policy Concept (leadership in the region). Based on the results of empirical research, circumstances of Lithuanian foreign policy decision emergence and making are explained.

The aim of this dissertation is to reveal the relationship between the collective identity of Lithuanian foreign policy decision-makers, the concept of Lithuanian identity and national interests as articulated by these persons and particular foreign policy choices. Based on the constructivism theory of international relations, the paper formulates theoretical assumptions to research processes involved in foreign policy decision making and state identity formation. Aspects of the constructivism theory in international relations are examined and key ideas are highlighted and used in the analysis. The study distinguishes and addresses two main elements – the state identity and foreign policy decisions – by showing how the interaction of these elements enables to reveal the relationship between identity factors and foreign policy decision emergence and making. The formulated analysis principles allow to disclose how and what intersubjective values (identity perceptions) affect foreign policy decisions in practice. For this purpose, three Lithuanian foreign policy decisions are analyzed: 1) Lithuanian membership in NATO, 2) support for the US in the Iraq war, 3) formulation and realisation of the New Lithuanian Foreign Policy Concept (leadership in the region). Based on the results of empirical research, circumstances of Lithuanian foreign policy decision emergence and making are explained.