Suchergebnisse

A development model, to be such, must consider meeting the needs of the community, ensuring a decent life, in which the goal should be to provide maximum comfort and happiness possible, facilitating the habitability of the territories in healthy living and harmony with nature. This must be the crux of the debate address the socio-environmental problems caused by the so-called locomotive of progress, in the case of Antioquia (Colombia) East, however development plans or solutions show no real expectation of the community.

This study examines the role of bureaucracy in building rural development especially Addalaichenai Divisional Secretariat. Rural development is a very important aspect of development progress in a country. Development of the country has to begin from the rural or villages and it depends on the development of its villages. For that every government makes the development policies and gives the authority to the bureaucratic organizations to implement these policies including the grass root level. The main objective of this study to identify the major role of Addalaichenai Divisional Secretariat which is one of the bureaucratic organization to generate the rural development. This study is based on both qualitative and quantitative research methods. Qualitative and quantitative data are gathered by using primary and secondary sources. Primary data is gathered from qualitative interviews, structured questionnaire and limited observation. The secondary data is gathered through published books, research and internet articles. Collected data from different sources as mentioned above is analyzed using qualitative and quantitative methods and it is presented using texts, tables and charts. This research finds out that Addalaichenai Divisional Secretariat obtains the main role in building rural development and identifies the barriers which affect in this progress such as lack of political will and stakeholders support, insufficient resources and capacity, climate change, absence of rural representation and unequal treatment, lack of community involvement and people's perception, lack of awareness and traditional society.

"Mbizana, in Pondoland, along South Africa's Wild Coast, is at the centre of a struggle
between local residents, a multi-national mining company and the South African
Government. In 2007 the local residents formed the AmaDiba Crisis Committee (ACC) in
opposition to a government-supported proposal by Mineral Commodities Ltd, an
Australian company, to mine their communal land. According to the ACC, the mining
company and the government had violated established democratic processes and
undermined the local villagers' control over their communal land. In 2008, a mining
licence was granted by Government, however, in 2011, after protests and petitions by the
ACC to Government, the Minister of Mineral Resources revoked the licence. The mining
company's response was to submit a new application for prospecting rights. In public
demonstrations against the mining of their land, the protesters have made reference to the
well-known Mpondo Revolt3 of 1959-1960; and, in interviews they have also mentioned
resistance to the Mbizana sugar project in 1985-86 and the Gum Tree Rebellion in 1999.
These references locate their struggle to retain the right to decide how best to develop
their land in a history of resistance that started in the era of Apartheid, and has continued
under the new democratic dispensation. At the heart of the activism is a collective
consciousness that is best conceptualised as collective agency. This paper focuses on
current resistance to imposed development, and its connections to past resistance,
especially the Mpondo Revolt of 50 years ago. I argue that, contrary to popular
perception, rural people of Pondoland have a long history of resisting imposed
development and actively participating in their own development." (author's abstract)

After the Lubang Buaya incident on 1 October 1965 in which six top Indonesian Army generals and a lieutenant were killed, the Army began to implement a nationwide purging campaign with the assistance of civilian anti-communist groups. Thousands of PKI members, supporters and pro-Sukarno groups/individuals immediately became the target of this purge. For organisational purposes, several purging policies were released and then strictly enforced. The official purging policies that are highlighted in this paper are a series of initial directives that were released within days of the generals' executions. They do not explicitly translate into orders to kill, but are more of a guideline to help anti-communist officials classify and contain communists and other PKI followers. This article attempts to show how these initial directives evolved and also discusses competing purge policies from non-military sources. The co-existence and overlapping nature of the various directives indicate that a power struggle existed between the anti-communist group led by General Soeharto and the presidium of the Dwikora Cabinet who were loyal to President Soekarno. (JCSA/GIGA)

Landakquisitionen im großen Stil haben in den vergangenen Jahren in Entwicklungsländern stark zugenommen. Theoretisch mögen sie entwicklungsfördernd sein; in der Praxis führen sie oft zu sozial ungerechten Auswirkungen und bergen politischen Sprengstoff. Globale Richtlinien sollen Abhilfe schaffen, allerdings sind sie freiwillig, was weitere Anstrengungen nötig macht, um solche Unternehmungen einzuhegen. (WeltTrends / SWP)

Review of the edited volume:
Wolbert G. C. Smidt, Kinfe Abraham (eds.): Discussing conflict in Ethiopia. Conflict management and resolution, Vienna, Zurich, Berlin, Münster: LIT Verlag 2007, ISBN 978-3-03735-937-2 (Switzerland); 978-3-8258-9795-6 (Germany), 290 p.

"This paper examines the effect of labor organization on integrated pest management (IPM),
using cross section data collected from a participatory farming system survey of 157 durian
growers in Chanthaburi, Thailand, in 2005. In contrast to many studies of IPM adoption, this
work uses the form of farm labor organization as an endogenous factor for identifying the rate
of IPM adoption among durian growers. The instrumental variables method was employed to
econometrically relate a set of alleged variables as instruments of labor organization to the
rate of IPM adoption. Results show that, among others, farms employing hired labor have a
significantly lower adoption rate of IPM." (author's abstract)

This paper critiques the approach being taken in Ghana to identify and develop Alternative Livelihood (AL) and allied Local Economic Development (LED) projects in mining communities. The rapid insurgence of illegal artisanal gold mining in Ghana has forced policymakers to think more creatively about ways in which to deal with mounting unemployment in the country's rural areas. Most of the economic activities being promoted, however, have proved extremely unpopular with target groups. The policy approaches adopted reflect how little in tune the organizations championing AL policy in Ghana's mining communities are with the mindsets and ambitions of target populations.