Suchergebnisse

Niniejszy artykuł opiera się na metodzie analityczno-syntetycznej oraz bazuje na teorii używanej w dyplomacji zwanej dyplomacją publiczno-pośredniczą. Autor analizuje metody i sposoby komunikacji misji dyplomatycznych w czasie pandemii COVID-19, która doprowadziła do wirtualizacji życia ludzkiego. Głównymi zagadnieniami artykułu są: działalność polityczna ambasad przed pandemią, nowe warunki, do jakich musiał dostosować się świat polityki i dyplomacji, problemy i ograniczenia wynikające z konieczności wirtualnego prowadzenia dyplomacji ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem problemów ambasad Krajów Trzeciego Świata i krajów słabo rozwiniętych technologicznie, konsekwencje wynikające z przeniesienia dyplomacji z płaszczyzny face-to-face na płaszczyznę świata wirtualnego, media społecznościowe i inne wirtualne sposoby komunikacji w działalności ambasad, konsulatów, światowych liderów i innych organizacji działających na rzecz stosunków międzynarodowych, strategie komunikacji ambasad ze swoimi obywatelami, obcokrajowcami oraz innymi zagranicznymi państwami oraz partnerami This article utilises the 'Mediated public diplomacy theory' to analyse the methods and means by which diplomatic missions communicate in times of the Covid-19 pandemic, which led to the virtualisation of people's lives. The main themes of the paper are among other things: the political activities of embassies before Covid-19 and the need to adapt to the new conditions of the pandemic; social media and other virtual means of communication in the activities of embassies, consulates, world leaders, NGOs, and Co-operations active in international relations arena. Besides, other topics discussed in the paper are strategic communication of diplomatic missions with their citizens, foreigners, other foreign nations, and partners; consequences resulting from the transition of face-to-face diplomacy to the virtual world, and finally, the problems and limitations arising from the necessity of an impromptu virtual functioning of the entire diplomatic community in the ...

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; This paper will deal with the aspects of the question of the role of German to provide more leadership – and of Poland to be more present – in the global development context in the future. It gives a short summary of the German and Polish policy towards developing countries. Relevant topics include the German and Polish development policy guidelines, partner countries, and higher offi - cial development assistance (ODA) expenditure. The analysis take look at forthcoming global and development challenges and the role of both countries particular in addressing these challenges.

Since the middle of the eighties changes have been taking place in relations between the state and higher education institutions. Legislative activity has been developing geared to create a new model of management of a higher education institutions. The article explains how scholars of higher education interpret the changes by means of the concept of the evaluating state and managerism. An attempt is also made to answer the question, whether despite the specific features of the historical development and traditional organisational Solutions of the higher educational system of various countries there are common tendencies of changes in management systems. The analysis was limited to the sector of universities and countries that are usually omitted in studies of this kind were used as examples, i.e. Denmark, Norway, Austria as well as the United Kingdom, where these changes started the earliest and are the most radical. ; W wielu krajach od drugiej połowy lat osiemdziesiątych zachodzą zmiany w stosunkach między państwem i szkołami wyższymi oraz rozwija się działalność legislacyjna nastawiona na stworzenie nowego modelu zarządzania szkołą wyższą. W artykule wyjaśniono, jak zachodzące zmiany są interpretowane przez badaczy problematyki szkolnictwa wyższego za pomocą koncepcji państwa ewaluacyjnego i menedżeryzmu. Autorka próbuje znaleźć odpowiedź na pytanie, czy - mimo specyficznych cech rozwoju historycznego i tradycyjnych rozwiązań organizacyjnych szkolnictwa różnych krajów - zarysowały się wspólne tendencje do zmian systemów zarządzania. Analiza została ograniczona do sektora uniwersytetów i zilustrowana przykładami krajów zazwyczaj pomijanych w badaniach, tzn. Danii, Norwegii, Austrii oraz Wielkiej Brytanii, w której zmiany zaczęły się najwcześniej i są najbardziej radykalne.

Official Development Aid as an idea is an implement of assistance, a kind of redistribution of the global income on the governmental level. Nevertheless, it is also a source of influence and as a result peculiarly understood imperialism. The opposition between political vision and reality is the factor which backs up this thesis. Political plans and prospects of the EU aid policy, such as "The European Consensus of Development" or "The EU and Africa: Towards a Strategic Partnership", are concerned about supporting good governance and providing fair conditions of international trade. On the other hand, introducing this policy often, more or less, increases dependency of poor economies on the rich. It is also not eradicated from the European Union policy, for example in the case of the European Development Bank. However, EU development aid, coming to 49 billions euro, could be named munificent when compared to the United States. U.S. Official Development Aid amounts to only 0,19% of GDP, when the obligations confirmed by the government in a few declarations, among which is the Millennium Declaration of the United Nations, are about 0,7% of GDP. Secondly it is commonly shaped as an interrelated aid, which augment dependency of the recipient country. International institutions established in Bretton Woods, like International Monetary Fund and World Bank Group, have also a huge impact on the way of development of poor countries. There are a lot of groups of interest whose opinions are clear – above-mentioned institutions are the U.S. instruments of imperialism. It is caused by American predominance in these institutions and the line of policy which it supports. In the XXI century imperial aspirations are also present in recently developing countries – like China or Brazil. Changing roles in the system of international relations are now coming, creating a diffusion between clubs of rich North and poor, developing South. Leaders of development from developing countries are trying to build a strong position in relations with recipients of ODA. It is easier for them than for the West, mostly because of the lack of bad, colonial past relations. Their imperialism is not linked with history whatsoever, making their role of foreign relations easier to build up. Despite these cases of using development assistance in order to build up an imperium, there are a lot of non-governmental institutions whose perception of aid is beyond politics and burdens of imperialism. Best example of that is Grameen Bank – an institution founded by M. yunus, a Noble Prize winner. Its way of helping people is mainly intended to being unprofitable. There are a lot of ideas about how to describe development aid – more like a charity or kind of imperialism. Some aspects of business are desirable in ODA, partly because of increasing efficiency. It is economically proved that the return of capital in any way of benefit will strengthen willingness to providing aid. On the other hand, people are naturally liable to help and perform activities which do not give them any interest or gain. What is most interesting – nowadays developing countries are strengthening and they are evaluating theirs powers as equal partners of the rich, developed world. It comprises change in the system of international relations. Moreover United Nations should find a way of enforcing obligations of donors – like 0,7 percent of GDP for ODA to 2015. If the line of politics is steady, similar to current line, this goal will not be reached, so ODA will be more seen as a way of imperialism than help. In general, there are a lot of aspects of development which indicate that ODA is an implement of imperialism. On the other hand – some kind of interest improves the willingness of donors to provide aid. Besides that question – imperial or not – development aid is still increasing the number of people whose conditions of living are better because of ODA.

Official Development Aid as an idea is an implement of assistance, a kind of redistribution of the global income on the governmental level. Nevertheless, it is also a source of influence and as a result peculiarly understood imperialism. The opposition between political vision and reality is the factor which backs up this thesis. Political plans and prospects of the EU aid policy, such as "The European Consensus of Development" or "The EU and Africa: Towards a Strategic Partnership", are concerned about supporting good governance and providing fair conditions of international trade. On the other hand, introducing this policy often, more or less, increases dependency of poor economies on the rich. It is also not eradicated from the European Union policy, for example in the case of the European Development Bank. However, EU development aid, coming to 49 billions euro, could be named munificent when compared to the United States. U.S. Official Development Aid amounts to only 0,19% of GDP, when the obligations confirmed by the government in a few declarations, among which is the Millennium Declaration of the United Nations, are about 0,7% of GDP. Secondly it is commonly shaped as an interrelated aid, which augment dependency of the recipient country. International institutions established in Bretton Woods, like International Monetary Fund and World Bank Group, have also a huge impact on the way of development of poor countries. There are a lot of groups of interest whose opinions are clear – above-mentioned institutions are the U.S. instruments of imperialism. It is caused by American predominance in these institutions and the line of policy which it supports. In the XXI century imperial aspirations are also present in recently developing countries – like China or Brazil. Changing roles in the system of international relations are now coming, creating a diffusion between clubs of rich North and poor, developing South. Leaders of development from developing countries are trying to build a strong position in relations with recipients of ODA. It is easier for them than for the West, mostly because of the lack of bad, colonial past relations. Their imperialism is not linked with history whatsoever, making their role of foreign relations easier to build up. Despite these cases of using development assistance in order to build up an imperium, there are a lot of non-governmental institutions whose perception of aid is beyond politics and burdens of imperialism. Best example of that is Grameen Bank – an institution founded by M. yunus, a Noble Prize winner. Its way of helping people is mainly intended to being unprofitable. There are a lot of ideas about how to describe development aid – more like a charity or kind of imperialism. Some aspects of business are desirable in ODA, partly because of increasing efficiency. It is economically proved that the return of capital in any way of benefit will strengthen willingness to providing aid. On the other hand, people are naturally liable to help and perform activities which do not give them any interest or gain. What is most interesting – nowadays developing countries are strengthening and they are evaluating theirs powers as equal partners of the rich, developed world. It comprises change in the system of international relations. Moreover United Nations should find a way of enforcing obligations of donors – like 0,7 percent of GDP for ODA to 2015. If the line of politics is steady, similar to current line, this goal will not be reached, so ODA will be more seen as a way of imperialism than help. In general, there are a lot of aspects of development which indicate that ODA is an implement of imperialism. On the other hand – some kind of interest improves the willingness of donors to provide aid. Besides that question – imperial or not – development aid is still increasing the number of people whose conditions of living are better because of ODA.

The main objective of this article is to analyze the effects of transformation of the IMF working model, launched in 2006, accelerated since 2010, and identified as the most fundamental governance overhaul in the Fund's 65-year history and the biggest ever shift of influence in favor of emerging market and developing countries to recognize their growing role in the global economy. This article, set within the institutional framework of global governance and critical international political economy, attempts to clarify whether the IMF reform focused on modifying the size of member countries' participation in the share capital of the Fund, resulted in significant increase of voting power of emerging markets and developing states or rather was example of global economic governance dysfunctionality. ; W niniejszym artykule głównym celem będzie analiza efektów przekształceń modelu funkcjonowania MFW, zapoczątkowanych w 2006 r. w Singapurze, realizowanych w głównej mierze od 2010 roku i określanych jako najbardziej fundamentalna reorganizacja zarządzania w 65-letniej historii MFW i największe dotychczasowe przesunięcie wpływów na korzyść rynków wschodzących i państw rozwijających się. Artykuł ten, usytuowany w ramach instytucjonalnego nurtu badań nad globalnym zarządzaniem i wykorzystujący podejście badawcze, które określa się mianem krytycznej międzynarodowej ekonomii politycznej, będzie stanowił próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie czy reforma, polegająca na modyfikacji wielkości partycypacji poszczególnych państw w kapitale zakładowym Funduszu, czyli udziału w tzw. kwocie i wynikających z jej wielkości liczby głosów przypadających na państwa członkowskie, była nią w istocie, czy raczej stanowiła przykład dysfunkcjonalności global economic governance.

W niniejszym artykule głównym celem będzie analiza efektów przekształceń modelu funkcjonowania MFW, zapoczątkowanych w 2006 r. w Singapurze, realizowanych w głównej mierze od 2010 roku i określanych jako najbardziej fundamentalna reorganizacja zarządzania w 65-letniej historii MFW i największe dotychczasowe przesunięcie wpływów na korzyść rynków wschodzących i państw rozwijających się. Artykuł ten, usytuowany w ramach instytucjonalnego nurtu badań nad globalnym zarządzaniem i wykorzystujący podejście badawcze, które określa się mianem krytycznej międzynarodowej ekonomii politycznej, będzie stanowił próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie czy reforma, polegająca na modyfikacji wielkości partycypacji poszczególnych państw w kapitale zakładowym Funduszu, czyli udziału w tzw. kwocie i wynikających z jej wielkości liczby głosów przypadających na państwa członkowskie, była nią w istocie, czy raczej stanowiła przykład dysfunkcjonalności global economic governance. ; The main objective of this article is to analyze the effects of transformation of the IMF working model, launched in 2006, accelerated since 2010, and identified as the most fundamental governance overhaul in the Fund's 65-year history and the biggest ever shift of influence in favor of emerging market and developing countries to recognize their growing role in the global economy. This article, set within the institutional framework of global governance and critical international political economy, attempts to clarify whether the IMF reform focused on modifying the size of member countries' participation in the share capital of the Fund, resulted in significant increase of voting power of emerging markets and developing states or rather was example of global economic governance dysfunctionality.

The presented text focuses on identifying the topics of the political dispute at the global level, the European Union and Poland, which relate to the mitigation of climate change. The background of the analysis is a synthetic presentation of the state of knowledge on climate change and examples of different views on this issue that reach the public in the open debate. We confronted arguments put forward by climate activists with views questioning the climate action. The analysis of arguments in the global debate shows that the differences mainly reflect the economic status of states, their energy mix, and technological advancement. The main lines of dispute in global negotiations are: which states should make more effort for greenhouse gas emission reductions, the responsibility of developed countries for historical emissions, and the principles of supporting developing countries, which are particularly vulnerable to climate change. The European Union wants to be a leader in reducing greenhouse gas emissions and achieving climate neutrality. However, there are differences in approach between the Member States, which reflect the importance of coal in the energy mix, the differences in the share of renewable energy, and the importance of nuclear energy. The main controversy is how to consider the different initial situations of countries when defining their reduction targets and how to support the energy transition. The dominant issue in the Polish debate is the necessary pace of the energy transformation, the possibility of bearing its costs, and their distribution among various social groups. This paper presents the social, economic, and political arguments at the global and local level that refer to the dilemmas of climate policy leading to the adjustment of the development policy towards energy-saving and low-emission, regardless of the importance assigned to emissions in combating climate change. ; Przedstawiony tekst koncentruje się na identyfikacji przedmiotów sporów politycznych na poziomie globalnym, Unii ...

The work is a compendium of information and a study of Polish-Latin American relations, with particular emphasis on the implications of Poland's accession to the structures of the European Union in the context of the country's policy towards Latin America. The monograph is the first in the literature on the subject in which the title issue has been presented within the framework of the entire post-cold war period, i.e. 1989/1990–2016, and in a comprehensive way, on the political, economic, scientific and cultural levels. The author has focused on the analysis of bilateral relations with Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Mexico, Colombia and Venezuela. The determinant of such a choice was the desire to discuss Poland's relations with its main Latin American partners. In accordance with the government document Strategia RP w odniesieniu do pozaeuropejskich krajów rozwijających się [Strategy of the Republic of Poland with regard to non-European developing countries] of 2004, Brazil, Argentina, Chile and Mexico were included among the priority partners, while Colombia and Venezuela were defined as important. These are the Latin American countries with which Poland conducts political dialogue both bilaterally and multilaterally (within the EU or the Pacific Alliance, which includes three of the countries listed in the Strategy – Mexico, Chile and Colombia), and Brazil, Argentina, Mexico and Chile account for the largest percentage of Poland's trade with the region (about 75%). As far as the historical experience of mutual contacts is concerned, it should be noted that these countries, especially Brazil and Argentina, were the main directions of emigration from Poland to Latin America. The work also mentions Poland's relations with other countries of the region, such as Cuba, Peru, Panama and Ecuador. The study is devoted to the post-war period, but it takes into account the context of Poland's earlier policy towards Latin America, divided into the most characteristic stages, corresponding to continuity and change in the bilateral relations. It discusses Poland's contacts with the countries of this region in the 17th and 18th centuries, as well as in the 19th century, when there was an increased emigration of Poles, especially to Brazil (the so-called Brazilian fever) and Argentina. The title issue has been presented in the bilateral and multilateral dimension, taking into account the formal and legal basis and the results of meetings at the highest and lowest levels. Factors hindering and facilitating relations between Poland and Latin American countries and the position of these countries in the foreign policy of Poland have been identified. Determinants and tendencies in Polish policy towards the Latin American region, its manifestations, as well as dilemmas and challenges that appeared in the 21st century have been presented. Moreover, arguments for intensification of mutual relations in bilateral and multilateral forums and potential areas of cooperation in the field of political, economic, scientific and cultural relations have been indicated.

Artykuł wpisuje się w nurt badań dotyczących suwerenności państw w międzynarodowych organizacjach integracyjnych, w których uczestnictwo wiąże się z największymi ograniczeniami w zakresie kompetencji i autonomii państw, w porównaniu z udziałem w innego typu organizacjach. Zostaje wyjaśnione pojęcie suwerenności, zwracając uwagę na jej wymiar prawny i polityczny, jak również międzynarodowej organizacji integracyjnej, która występuje tylko w grupie organizacji regionalnych. Artykuł zawiera analizę zróżnicowanego, z punktu widzenia suwerenności, usytuowania państw w organizacjach integracyjnych, w których stosowane są nowego typu rozwiązania instytucjonalne, w tym ponadnarodowe. Badania odnotowują znaczące zróżnicowanie rozwiązań instytucjonalnych, pokazujące, że modele zastosowane w Europie nie znajdują uniwersalnego zastosowania. Widoczne jest odmienne podejście do suwerenności w procesach integracyjnych i organizacjach międzynarodowych na Zachodzie oraz wśród państw rozwijających się, które większą wagę przywiązują do ochrony i zabezpieczenia suwerenności w ramach organizacji. ; This article is one of many, which deal with research on state sovereignty in international integration organizations, where participation implies more limited autonomy and competition than in organizations of other types. The notion of sovereignty is being explained, pointing at its legal and political dimention, as well as of international integration organizations, which belong to a group of regional organizations only. This paper concerns the analysis of differentiated placement of states from sosvereignty point of view in the integration organizations, where new instruments have been implemented, including transnational ones. The research shows a considerable differentiation of institutional frameworks, meaning that their models introduced in Europe have no universal character. One can see different attitude towards the sovereignty notion in integration processes and in international organizations in the West as well as in developing countries, which focus mostly on sovereignty protection within the organization itself.

Artykuł wpisuje się w nurt badań dotyczących suwerenności państw w międzynarodowych organizacjach integracyjnych, w których uczestnictwo wiąże się z największymi ograniczeniami w zakresie kompetencji i autonomii państw, w porównaniu z udziałem w innego typu organizacjach. Zostaje wyjaśnione pojęcie suwerenności, zwracając uwagę na jej wymiar prawny i polityczny, jak również międzynarodowej organizacji integracyjnej, która występuje tylko w grupie organizacji regionalnych. Artykuł zawiera analizę zróżnicowanego, z punktu widzenia suwerenności, usytuowania państw w organizacjach integracyjnych, w których stosowane są nowego typu rozwiązania instytucjonalne, w tym ponadnarodowe. Badania odnotowują znaczące zróżnicowanie rozwiązań instytucjonalnych, pokazujące, że modele zastosowane w Europie nie znajdują uniwersalnego zastosowania. Widoczne jest odmienne podejście do suwerenności w procesach integracyjnych i organizacjach międzynarodowych na Zachodzie oraz wśród państw rozwijających się, które większą wagę przywiązują do ochrony i zabezpieczenia suwerenności w ramach organizacji. ; This article is one of many, which deal with research on state sovereignty in international integration organizations, where participation implies more limited autonomy and competition than in organizations of other types. The notion of sovereignty is being explained, pointing at its legal and political dimention, as well as of international integration organizations, which belong to a group of regional organizations only. This paper concerns the analysis of differentiated placement of states from sosvereignty point of view in the integration organizations, where new instruments have been implemented, including transnational ones. The research shows a considerable differentiation of institutional frameworks, meaning that their models introduced in Europe have no universal character. One can see different attitude towards the sovereignty notion in integration processes and in international organizations in the West as well as in developing countries, which focus mostly on sovereignty protection within the organization itself.

The main objective of this paper is to present the attitude of the European Union to the issue of food security. Price volatility in the global market has a significant impact on the economic security of the participants. This particulary applies to commodity price volatility. Excessive volatility in commodity price effects both producers and consumers has a serious implication for food security. In the context of globalisation in a period characterized by sudden changes in food prices, such as for 2007–2008, the food situation in many poor developing countries worsend. It was expected that the increase in food prices in 2010 may lead to the further spread of the phenomenon of malnutrition and further intensification of tensions and unrest among the weaker consumers in the world. An important role in changing this situation can be played by the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and European Union. Food security issues also for the European Union are very important and actual both from theoretical and practical point of view. ; Celem głównym artykułu jest przedstawienie istotnej kwestii stanowiska Unii Europejskiej wobec bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego. W UE ochrona zdrowia ludzkiego, zdrowia zwierząt i roślin na każdym etapie procesu produkcji żywnościowej ma priorytetowe znaczenie. Problem ten jest ściśle związany z nadmierną niestabilnością cen surowców, w tym także artykułów żywnościowych, co wpływa zarówno na producentów, jak i na konsumentów i wywołuje poważne skutki dla bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego. Warto podkreślić, że w okresie charakteryzującym się nagłymi zmianami cen żywności, takim jak lata 2007–2008, nastąpiło pogorszenie sytuacji żywnościowej w wielu ubogich krajach rozwijających się. Przewidywano, że wzrost cen żywności z 2010 r. może doprowadzić do dalszego rozszerzenia się zjawiska niedożywienia, zapotrzebowania na pomoc humanitarną oraz dalszej intensyfikacji napięć i niepokojów społecznych wśród słabszych konsumentów na świecie. Ważną rolę w zmianie tej sytuacji może odegrać Światowa Organizacja Handlu (WTO) oraz Unia Europejska. Kwestie bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego także dla Unii Europejskiej są równocześnie niezwykle ważne i aktualne zarówno z punktu widzenia teoretycznego, jak i praktycznego.

Celem głównym artykułu jest przedstawienie istotnej kwestii stanowiska Unii Europejskiej wobec bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego. W UE ochrona zdrowia ludzkiego, zdrowia zwierząt i roślin na każdym etapie procesu produkcji żywnościowej ma priorytetowe znaczenie. Problem ten jest ściśle związany z nadmierną niestabilnością cen surowców, w tym także artykułów żywnościowych, co wpływa zarówno na producentów, jak i na konsumentów i wywołuje poważne skutki dla bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego. Warto podkreślić, że w okresie charakteryzującym się nagłymi zmianami cen żywności, takim jak lata 2007–2008, nastąpiło pogorszenie sytuacji żywnościowej w wielu ubogich krajach rozwijających się. Przewidywano, że wzrost cen żywności z 2010 r. może doprowadzić do dalszego rozszerzenia się zjawiska niedożywienia, zapotrzebowania na pomoc humanitarną oraz dalszej intensyfikacji napięć i niepokojów społecznych wśród słabszych konsumentów na świecie. Ważną rolę w zmianie tej sytuacji może odegrać Światowa Organizacja Handlu (WTO) oraz Unia Europejska. Kwestie bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego także dla Unii Europejskiej są równocześnie niezwykle ważne i aktualne zarówno z punktu widzenia teoretycznego, jak i praktycznego. ; The main objective of this paper is to present the attitude of the European Union to the issue of food security. Price volatility in the global market has a significant impact on the economic security of the participants. This particulary applies to commodity price volatility. Excessive volatility in commodity price effects both producers and consumers has a serious implication for food security. In the context of globalisation in a period characterized by sudden changes in food prices, such as for 2007–2008, the food situation in many poor developing countries worsend. It was expected that the increase in food prices in 2010 may lead to the further spread of the phenomenon of malnutrition and further intensification of tensions and unrest among the weaker consumers in the world. An important role in changing this situation can be played by the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and European Union. Food security issues also for the European Union are very important and actual both from theoretical and practical point of view.

Scientific connections between Polish People's Republic and The Second Yugoslavia were a very important element of the bilateral relations between both countries. The mechanisms and rules of the scientific cooperation were similar to the rules and mechanisms of the cultural cooperation and faced the same constraints and possibilities. Types of institutions existing in the field of culture had their correspondences in the field of science and education. Developing of the scientific cooperation was not a strategic aim for both countries in the interwar period as well as during the Communism due to the situation on the international political scene. In the era of globalization, in the context of international scientific cooperation, interslavic relations has become the weakest in the last two centuries. Nowadays, even more than before, the scientific cooperation between all Slavic countries depends on individuals and their involvement. ; Scientific connections between Polish People's Republic and The Second Yugoslavia were a very important element of the bilateral relations between both countries. The mechanisms and rules of the scientific cooperation were similar to the rules and mechanisms of the cultural cooperation and faced the same constraints and possibilities. Types of institutions existing in the field of culture had their correspondences in the field of science and education. Developing of the scientific cooperation was not a strategic aim for both countries in the interwar period as well as during the Communism due to the situation on the international political scene. In the era of globalization, in the context of international scientific cooperation, interslavic relations has become the weakest in the last two centuries. Nowadays, even more than before, the scientific cooperation between all Slavic countries depends on individuals and their involvement.

Celem globalnej polityki rozwojowej jest likwidacja ubóstwa. Badacze nie mają wątpliwości, że jedną z kluczowych barier w skutecznej walce z ubóstwem są wojny i konflikty zbrojne. Pokój i bezpieczeństwo są ważne zarówno dla państw rozwijających się, jak i dla państw świadczących pomoc rozwojową. UE i jej państwa członkowskie są największymi dawcami pomocy na świecie, a Afryka Subsaharyjska (SSA) regionem o największym zapotrzebowaniu na pomoc rozwojową. Tekst analizuje jakie miejsce w europejskiej polityce rozwojowej wobec Afryki zajmuje kwestia pokoju i stabilizacji? Drugim obszarem analizy jest próba odpowiedzi na dylemat w jaki sposób pokój i stabilizacja lub ich brak wpływają na rozwój Afryki Subsaharyjskiej? Z analizy sytuacji państw SSA wynika, że trwały, zrównoważony rozwój w warunkach wojny czy innych konfliktów zbrojnych nie jest możliwy. Budowanie trwałego rozwoju musi być poprzedzone skutecznym zakończeniem konfliktów oraz wyeliminowaniem lub radykalnym ograniczeniem ich przyczyn. Pomoc z zewnątrz, w tym pomoc UE, ma w tych krajach – przede wszystkim – charakter pomocy humanitarnej. Jest ona potrzebna i ratuje ludzkie życie. Sama w sobie nie likwiduje jednak przyczyn konfliktów, ani nie jest w stanie zapewnić trwałego rozwoju. ; The aim of the global development policy is to eradicate poverty. Scholars are in no doubt that wars and armed conflicts are among the key obstacles to the effective struggle against poverty. Peace and security are as important for developing countries as for those that offer development aid. The EU and its member states are the greatest global providers of aid and Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) is the region with the highest demand for developmental aid. This article analyzes the position of peace and stability in European development policy towards Africa. Another issue is the attempt to answer the question of the influence peace and stability, or their lack, have on the development of SSA. The analysis of the situation in SSA states demonstrates that consistent and sustainable development is not feasible during warfare and other armed conflicts. Ensuring permanent development has to be preceded by an effective conclusion of conflicts and the eradication or dramatic suppression of the causes of such conflicts. The aid from outside, including that provided by the EU, is first and foremost humanitarian. While such aid is necessary and helps save human lives, it neither eliminates the reasons for conflicts, nor is it able to ensure permanent development.