Es un sistema de gobierno que reúne, entre otras, las siguientes características: concentración de poder, gobierno arbitrario, existencia de una ideología predominante y un implacable uso de la fuerza. Se analiza su evolución, desde la tiranía en Grecia hasta los ejemplos más recientes de gobiernos dictatoriales en distintos continentes, así como, los distintos modelos y perfiles de dictadores surgidos a lo largo de la historia. El fascismo, el nazismo y el comunismo han dado lugar a implacables dictaduras y en el siglo XX se constituye como un sistema de gobierno rival de la democracia. ; SC ; Biblioteca de Educación del Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte; Calle San Agustín, 5 - 3 planta; 28014 Madrid; Tel. +34917748000; biblioteca@mecd.es ; GBR
Es un sistema de gobierno que reúne, entre otras, las siguientes características: concentración de poder, gobierno arbitrario, existencia de una ideología predominante y un implacable uso de la fuerza. Se analiza su evolución, desde la tiranía en Grecia hasta los ejemplos más recientes de gobiernos dictatoriales en distintos continentes, así como, los distintos modelos y perfiles de dictadores surgidos a lo largo de la historia. El fascismo, el nazismo y el comunismo han dado lugar a implacables dictaduras y en el siglo XX se constituye como un sistema de gobierno rival de la democracia. ; SC ; Biblioteca de Educación del Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte; Calle San Agustín, 5 - 3 planta; 28014 Madrid; Tel. +34917748000; biblioteca@mecd.es ; GBR
On a proposal to replace Congress with a council of 13 people, elected by preferential ballot. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Publisher's "Review copy for release Jul 20 1933" slip laid in. ; In original paper covers.
Decentralization of media has its assumption of fulfillment on the Internet, the network of all networks. At the same time, eo ipso, a logical sequence is the democratization of society as a whole, if it is used as a general social tool, and not as a manipulative form of appearance. Culture of ideology or Ideology of the culture pervades through social networks as a double-edged sword of the game that involves the society aiming towards satisfaction of ideology, although not the culture within its own incidence. The absurdity that social network have corrupted the quality of a healthy society is in conflict with the assumptions of everyday life, because as it is no longer the basic question how technology changed our world, but which social need have been met through the use of modern technologies. Through three levels of understanding of the ideology of the media in this paper I will present that every ideology is imaginary distortion of the real conditions within the appearances of each of us. Exclusively and only because of its own, the current goals of manipulation, without the existence of strategic plans for the shaping of society as a whole but only for the group that supports a given ideology, through the ideological order, with the help of the Network, creates cultural awareness and not vice versa. The answer is in media literacy, first - educators, and then all the other layers of society, regardless of ideology, race, ethnicity and / or gender. And through the Network, above all.
Decentralization of media has its assumption of fulfillment on the Internet, the network of all networks. At the same time, eo ipso, a logical sequence is the democratization of society as a whole, if it is used as a general social tool, and not as a manipulative form of appearance. Culture of ideology or Ideology of the culture pervades through social networks as a double-edged sword of the game that involves the society aiming towards satisfaction of ideology, although not the culture within its own incidence. The absurdity that social network have corrupted the quality of a healthy society is in conflict with the assumptions of everyday life, because as it is no longer the basic question how technology changed our world, but which social need have been met through the use of modern technologies. Through three levels of understanding of the ideology of the media in this paper I will present that every ideology is imaginary distortion of the real conditions within the appearances of each of us. Exclusively and only because of its own, the current goals of manipulation, without the existence of strategic plans for the shaping of society as a whole but only for the group that supports a given ideology, through the ideological order, with the help of the Network, creates cultural awareness and not vice versa. The answer is in media literacy, first - educators, and then all the other layers of society, regardless of ideology, race, ethnicity and / or gender. And through the Network, above all.
"The present examination of bolshevism was written . in the latter part of 1918, and published in Vienna. Soon after the outbreak of the German political revolution . about one-half of the matter contained in 'The dictatorship of the proletariat,' was issued by a Berlin publisher under the title, 'Democracy or dictatorship.-" Pref. ; Mode of access: Internet.
This paper aims to account for varying economic performances and political stability under dictatorship. We argue that economic welfare and social order are the contemporary relevant factors of political regimes' stability. Societies with low natural level of social order tend to tolerate predatory behavior from dictators in exchange of a provision of civil peace. The fear of anarchy may explain why populations are locked in the worst dictatorships. In contrast, in societies enjoying a relative natural civil peace, dictatorship is less likely to be predatory because low economic welfare may destabilize it.
This paper aims to account for varying economic performances and political stability under dictatorship. We argue that economic welfare and social order are the contemporary relevant factors of political regimes' stability. Societies with low natural level of social order tend to tolerate predatory behavior from dictators in exchange of a provision of civil peace. The fear of anarchy may explain why populations are locked in the worst dictatorships. In contrast, in societies enjoying a relative natural civil peace, dictatorship is less likely to be predatory because low economic welfare may destabilize it.
This paper aims to account for varying economic performances and political stability under dictatorship. We argue that economic welfare and social order are the contemporary relevant factors of political regimes' stability. Societies with low natural level of social order tend to tolerate predatory behavior from dictators in exchange of a provision of civil peace. The fear of anarchy may explain why populations are locked in the worst dictatorships. In contrast, in societies enjoying a relative natural civil peace, dictatorship is less likely to be predatory because low economic welfare may destabilize it.
In: Munoz Chereau , B 2018 , ' Representations of Dictatorship in Contemporary Chilean Children's Literature ' , Children's Literature in Education , vol. 47 , no. 1 , pp. 233-245 . https://doi.org/10.1007/s10583-016-9297-z
This article addresses the disturbing fact that few contemporary Chilean children's books deal with Augusto Pinochet's dictatorship (1973–1990). It explores why dictatorship has such an elusive presence in contemporary Chilean children's literature, how it has been represented in general, and how children are portrayed in books that do address Pinochet's oppressive regime. Four Chilean children's books are examined in detail: two that represent the dictatorship from an outsider perspective, produced by authors in exile, and two written from an insider perspective by authors that grew up under Pinochet's dictatorship. While the former represent children as superheroes whose actions transcend the dictatorship's repression, the latter depict children who are politically aware, but do not make the adults' political fight their own. This key difference is problematized in terms of the implications for narratives of dictatorship produced for a young audience.
Mass peaceful protests in Myanmar/Burma in 2007 drew the world's attention to the ongoing problems faced by this country and its oppressed people. In this publication, experts from around the world analyse the reasons for these recent political upheavals, explain how the country's economy, education and health sectors are in perceptible decline, and identify the underlying authoritarian pressures that characterise Myanmar/Burma's military regime.
This article analyzes opinion polls conducted by the Brazilian Institute of Public Opinion and Statistics (IBOPE) in the context of 1964, with the objective of assessing the support to the coup and to dictatorship. The data, mostly new, indicate a contrast between the support to João Goulart, registered before the coup, and after the success of the coup, which points out to the good acceptance of authoritarian measures, including political purges. The empirical data obtained from the polls are used to consider the sources of legitimation of dictatorship that especially mobilized anticommunist representations. The analysis of the records suggests that the support to the authoritarian regime was marked by instability and oscillated throughout the initial years.
Dictatorships can affect the functioning of new democracies but the mechanisms are poorly understood. We study the Pinochet dictatorship in Chile using new data and provide two findings. First, mayors appointed by Pinochet obtained a nine percentage point vote premium in the first local election in democracy. This premium is explained by an incumbency advantage and by an increase in local spending during the transition. Second, dictatorship mayors increased the vote share of right-wing political parties in democracy. We conclude that the dictatorship won "hearts and minds" before the transition and successfully maintained part of their political power.
This dissertation considers theory from the field of Memory Studies to compare the relationships between transitional justice, cultural production, and discourses on state terror and human rights. The most recent civic-military dictatorships in Brazil (1964-1985), Uruguay (1973-1985), and Argentina (1976-1983) remain unresolved histories in the collective imaginaries of each country. The fields of literary and media studies often point to the cultural production that represents this period as contributing to the construction of memory, and, therefore, against impending oblivion. My dissertation moves beyond the binary logic of remembrance and oblivion to analyze the ways in which cultural production shapes our understanding of the dictatorships and their aftermath. Chapter 1, "The Survivor on Screen: Film in Post-dictatorship Brazil," focuses on the films Que bom te ver viva (L�cia Murat, 1989), A��o entre amigos (Beto Brant, 1998), and Hoje (Tata Amaral, 2011) to understand the extent to which they reinforce or reject the notion that the only people affected by the dictatorship were the militants who took up arms against the regime. Chapter 2, "Unfinished Stories: Film in Post-Dictatorship Uruguay," analyzes the films Zanahoria (Enrique Buchichio, 2014), Matar a todos (Esteban Schroeder, 2007), and Secretos de lucha (Maiana Bidegain, 2007), which all depict the past as unresolved. Each of these films has an inconclusive ending, implying that Uruguayan transitional justice is yet to come. Chapter 3, "Towards Inclusive Victimhood and Memory: Post-dictatorship Film in Argentina," analyzes Cautiva (Gast�n Biraben, 2003), Los Rubios (Albertina Carri, 2003), and Buenos Aires Viceversa (Alejandro Agresti, 1996) as examples of works that challenge the canonized memories of the dictatorship as well as the widely accepted notions of victimhood, pushing for the consideration of traditionally excluded subjectivities. This chapter addresses the intergenerational struggle over memory and the victims of economic crises in the post-dictatorship. This dissertation investigates the impact that political and legal frameworks have on filmmaking, on storytelling, and on how the past is remembered, contributing to research on the intersection between memory studies, transitional justice, and the cultural field.
