Suchergebnisse

"We all go to school.nobody wants to be here, but that's the way it is! Everyone's got to get schooled." Countless hours committed to classroom, playground and homework naturalize an otherwise arbitrary arrangement best understood as "getting schooled." School participants fundamentally understand this education process is about acquiring explicit systematic instruction. This dissertation presents the school experience as a place of multiple meanings where Intra-ethnic differentiation examines the process of identity categories among adolescents within a Chicano-Latino community set in a South Central middle school of Los Angeles, California. This study documents the multiple categories as intra-ethnic differentiation among Chicano Latino school youth, defined as an experience of community fragmentation where members express distinct in-group differences that contrast an external appearance of homogeneity and or solidarity; fragmented into multiple dynamic identities set in internal relationships of rank. The intra-ethnic inventory include: "cholos", "schoolies", "players", "los americanizados" ( the Americanized), "Chuntaros"( rift raft, undesirable poor), " the Mexican-Mexicans", "county rushers", " punks" and "posers." The expressed divisions are characteristic of fluid boundaries involved in dialectic between-group relationships creating, modifying and challenging power, prestige and resources. The following text demonstrates that each identity is accompanied by respective educational, social, economic, and institutional opportunities and boundaries. The different identities exist as consequence of strategies of adaptation to socio-economic, political and national pressures. In a scholastic context, ethnic membership becomes a commodity of change responsive to survival mechanisms; identity models develop as abstract processes that are both self and externally defined and accompanied with real world consequences. The students must contend with and navigate identity fields they did not create. The demands, expectations and socioeconomic arrangements of the larger non curricular society are reflected and "acted out" on the school grounds.

The current crisis is, to a significant extent, a cognitive crisis. What is at stake is the development of a thorough understanding of what is going on, and finding ways to make the results of this analytical effort accessible to as many people involved as possible. Sociology of Law has an obvious role to play in these efforts. Issues such as the relationship between economy, politics, and law on the one hand, and the way people construct practically relevant knowledge in complex societies on the other, have a long tradition in our domain. The crisis also has a severe impact on the conditions under which we carry out our research business. So our work on these topics should also be conceived as part of a broader effort in the defence of science in the culture of world society, which corresponds exactly to the initial vocation of the RCSL.

According to the luhmannian paradigm of world society, policontestural and characterized by functional differentiation, a regional idea of society should be rejected. However, it is clear that there are still strong differences in national political and legal subsystems, particularly with regard to the fundamental rights recognized to individuals and their effective protection. In particular rights and values recognized by international treaties are often incompatible (see M. Neves, 2013). This work will be compared with the contributions on this issue by N. Luhmann (fundamental rights are institutions that emerge to allow social differentiation, protect it from the expansionist tendencies of the political subsystem and assign individual rights outside of the norm of reciprocity) and by G. Teubner (according to him it is necessary to distinguish between institutional, personal and human rights, the latter "understood as negative limits imposed on societal communications, where the physical and mental integrity of the individuals is undermined by a communicative matrix"). These contributions are representing a sociology of constitutions at present widely discussed in Latin American countries. In order to avoid an anti-humanistic approach, which considers the individuals outside the inter-systemic communication, we need to take into account that, in a contemporary world characterized by less and less differentiated systems, the multisystemic environment is subject to dynamism and reflexive communicative channels (strukturelle Kopplung) between subsystems. Constitutions could be thus combine closure and openness of the legal system by resorting to strategies of institutionalization of internal self-reflection and external communication.

Using fluorescence to detect biologically relevant metals has been studied extensively due to its rapid and low detection limit ability. Sodium and potassium differentiation is significant in diagnosis of many medical conditions. For this, we designed coumarin dimers as flexible fluorescent probes using ethylene glycol units for differentiation of sodium and potassium. To our best knowledge, use of these easy-to-synthesize coumarin dimers linked through ethylene glycol units are first in the literature. In fluorescence titration experiments, diethylene glycol linked coumarin-3-carboxylate dimer is responsive for sodium ions but not for potassium ions. The driving force for the complexation of metal cation and fluorescence probes is thought to be size-matching. To further explain the phenomenon, we synthesized coumarin dimer using 1,8- octanediol as the linker, and methyl ester of coumarin-3-carboxylic acid to investigate the effect of structural changes on the fluorescence intensity. These two compounds could not differentiate the sodium and potassium. Flexible coumarin dimers as fluorophores are shown to be useful for sensing sodium cation in the presence of potassium cation.

This article considers the changing nature of social work in England and Sweden in the context of neoliberal reforms, and the consequences of the ongoing shifts to marketisation and differentiation, managerialism and performativity. Drawing on secondary sources and some interview data from English and Swedish social workers, the article argues that social workers in England and Sweden face similar shifts as marketisation, differentiation, managerialism and its related performativity reshape the occupation, all related to the influence of the macro-context of neoliberalism. 'Evidence based practice' has become elevated as an important approach in line with increasing managerialism and performativity, affecting micro processes of everyday working life. Differences between the two countries lie largely in the timing of reforms and how social workers respond to them in organised ways – through mobilisation within the profession in England and through trades unions and local authorities in Sweden. The changes create uncertainty for social workers; while they are not merely passive victims of change they face difficult conditions in which to forge alternative models of professional practice. Contrary to what might have been expected, given the different social, political and historical legacies in Sweden and England of social democracy and liberalism respectively, comparing the social work occupation in these two countries finds many more similarities than differences in how marketisation, differentiation, managerialism and performativity impact on the occupation. ; Godkänd; 2015; 20150730 (elbe)

This is an interview with Stephen Mennell and a set of texts related to Norbert Elias's figurational sociology that make up the current volume of Sociologia & Antropologia. Mennell provides readers with a review of figurational sociology, as well as its reception and diffusion. More specifically, he reflects upon Elias's legacies for sociology and his movement away from philosophy; the publication of the collected works of Norbert Elias; authors who influenced Elias; the importance of the sociology of knowledge and the sciences in the body of Elias's work; the understanding of the concepts of civilising and decivilising processes, and functional democratisation and de-democratisation; resemblances and differentiations between Elias and Bourdieu; concluding with some reflections on the book The American Civilizing Process, published by Mennell in 2007, and on the use of figurational sociology for the study of current political issues. ; The text states that Stephen Mennell taught at Harvard, but at the time Prof Mennell was only a Frank Knox Memorial Fellow there – in effect just a graduate student – 1966–67 (S.M. 2022)

info:eu-repo/grantAgreement/FCT/SFRH/SFRHBD275562006/PT UID/ANT/04038/2013 SFRH/BD/6451/2001 SFRH/BPD/34229/2006 SFRH/BPD/93515/2013 SFRH/BD/27556/2006 SFRH/BPD/75978/2011 ; Whilst it is widely recognised in the scholarly literature that idyllic representations of the countryside are an integral part of its consumption through tourism in the contemporary, global world, little empirical research has been conducted on the role that social differentiation plays in shaping the corresponding tourist experience. The purpose of this article is to bridge that knowledge gap while studying the demand for two of the most well-known tourist accommodation products in the Portuguese countryside, namely, TER and the Pousadas. Drawing on a range of sources of material, it shows that the pastoral idyll sought by tourists is experienced differently through the lens of social class representations. In addition, there is evidence here that the choice of accommodation at a destination may well be regarded as a means of social differentiation through tourism. ; authorsversion ; published

Malaysia is a product of a post-colonial plural society. However, under the influences of development, migration and technological changes, the plural society characters of the nation have undergone social transformation from one of a compartmentalized society by language, culture, religion and economic vocation into a diverse society. However, the conceptual and theoretical frameworks of the tradition of Furnivall's plural society may not be able to explain the fluidity and dynamism of contemporary Malaysia. Ethnic and religious dimensions may define the ethnicised society but to argue that such a society is a plural society may not do justice to explain the shift from ethno-religious concerned are being embedded with civic spaces of justice, inclusivity and participative democracy of the Malaysian diverse society. This article grapples with the constraints of the Furnivall tradition by introducing the conceptual framework of ethnic boundary in the tradition of Barth and the theoretical framework of the sociology of modernization and development in understanding and explaining the social changes taking place in Malaysia. Ethnic identity still prevails but it has thinned as an influence on social action. Studies show that social cohesion dominates the relationship of the diverse ethnic groups that shared a common norm, showing greater similarities rather than differences and under such social differentiation in the society, they relate to one another horizontally and least vertically.

Debates about the usability of the concept of 'secularity' in academic research are not merely theoretical. Standpoints are also politically informed and arguments are sometimes emotionally charged. To some, merely using the term 'secularity' seems to inflict violence upon certain objects of research or even upon themselves. Others object to applying the concept beyond a particular arrangement of secularity, lest that defense-worthy arrangement be undermined. Taking a step back, however, the actual hermeneutical problem and historical question still seems rather clearly to be this: is it possible to uncouple the link between secularism as a political regime and secularity as an analytical concept with broader historical purchase? In this paper, I argue that the basic approach of Multiple Secularities is indeed the commendable way forward, but could be refined and improved, also by learning from the valid points of its critical alternatives. Thus, this paper aspires to shed light on two basic questions, namely, how to take 'secularity' beyond the modern West, and, as a logical prior, why take 'secularity' beyond the modern West in the first place?

Since the fall of communism, some crucial political, economic and social changes have been taking place in the former communist societies. The objective of the thesis is to examine the processes of residential differentiation taking place in the urban landscape of the Polish city of Gdańsk after the introduction of the capitalist system. The focus is on different forms of residential differentiation and the social, economic and historical factors behind these forms. The empirical material that forms the basis of the thesis consists of interviews, newspaper articles, a questionnaire, official (national and local) reports and documents. Study I examines the way in which different social, economic, historical and physical conditions coincide in the formation of space and the processes of decline in the period of transformation in Poland. The focus lies on a specific residential area in the center of Gdańsk and the lack of improvements in this particular area, which would stop its successive decline. Study II explains the emergence of gated communities in the post-communist urban context and discusses the reasons for their increasing numbers and popularity. The main argument is that the popularity of gated communities is tightly intertwined with the communist past, emerging in reaction to the housing conditions that prevailed under communism. Study III investigates how social class markers are constructed in the discourse on gated communities in post-socialist Poland. The "new" capitalistic system, with its inherent social divisions, is described in the discourse as creating demands for "new" forms of housing, where gates function as separators, protectors and class identifiers. Study IV concentrates on the support for the formation of gated communities in the legal and regulatory framework in Poland since 1989. The paper asserts that the outcome of liberal politics and legal regulation in the country is the neglect of spatial planning and imprecise urban policies. ; At the time of the doctoral defense, the ...

Over the course of the twentieth century curriculum differentiation became a mainstay in education, particularly in secondary schools. Much has been written on how this is a purposeful selection process often tied to larger social and political status and relationships. Moreover, knowledge is largely deemed appropriate based upon whose knowledge it is and for what student it is appropriate. Also, within the past two decades, there has been an increase in neoliberal school choice policies and neoconservative standardization policies in public education largely in the form of charter schools and high-stakes testing. These market policies aim to increase innovation and academic achievement via increased competition among schools and students. Nevertheless, many scholars argue that these policies only serve to exacerbate educational inequality. Standardization policies also claim to increase educational equality by holding all students to the same standards, though they have been critiqued for their potential biases against disadvantaged population, their one-dimensional measure of success, and their effect of narrowing the curricula to testing skills only. These two themes in educational research and reform raise questions concerning how curricula content is affected by choice and accountability policies. As a result, this study finds that overall, even among different institutional options within Chicago's school choice policy, low-performing, low-status schools are increasingly similar in stated course plans which emphasize test preparation and skills specifically for standardized tests, particularly in the test taking year. Also, schools that have the highest achievement scores, ironically, also have the most authority to deviate from a test preparation focused curricula with the ability to focus on developing abstract skills in students, such as critical thinking and cultural awareness.

The contribution deals with the complicated history of the sciences of history and sociology (predominantly in Germany). It shows, firstly, how Ranke formulated one of his essential world-historical insights as definitely closing off from contemporary discourses of the social and the »social movement«. Almost one hundred years later Max Weber integrated this insight of Ranke in his early days into his sociology. Secondly, Tyrell highlights the importance of Dilthey's »studies of society and history« for a joining of history and sociology. Essential for this was his understanding of »social differentiation«. Thirdly: Before and after 1900, that line of history which was then predominant in Germany and which dealt primarily with the history of political events rejected every programme and idea of social or cultural history. Also for this reason, since the 1890s sociology – being a new scientific discipline – has developed by a clear distance to history. This is illustrated by the example of the sociologists Simmel and Durkheim. The final remark glances briefly at Max Weber's sociology which rightly so may be called historic sociology.

This book is about the radical novelty of modern polities in a functionally differentiated world society. Premodern states were at the apex of a stratified, hierarchical society. They dominated society and all its groups and strata. Modern polities have to be understood through the ecology of relations among different function systems. They have to find and incessantly redefine their place in society. They produce decisions that are collectively binding, but in preparing these decisions experience constraints and knowledge deficiencies that are related to the complexity of a functionally differentiated society. The book concentrates on six analytical perspectives that reflect how modern polities are embedded into 21st century society. These perspectives are: the concept of inclusion and the inclusion revolution constitutive of modern polities; the internal differentiation of polities that endows them with an unprecedented complexity; the fact that polities do not know anything about society and the ways in which they compensate for this; representation and responsiveness as strategies to reconnect with society; the self-restriction of some polities that brings about ever new autonomous expert organizations; the symmetrical rise of autocracies and democracies as the two modern variants of political regimes.

The article takes EUrope's uneven geographies of reception as a privileged standpoint from which to explore the ways in which EUrope is currently produced through the management of asylum seekers, as well as constantly contested by asylum seekers' movements. Drawing from qualitative research in Italy and Sweden, the article calls into question the notion of a homogeneous EUrope that is promoted by EU asylum policies through the idea of a common area of protection in which asylum seekers are treated equally and fairly regardless of the place of reception. Such presumed homogeneity is radically challenged by an excess of contexts of reception, which is explored along spatial, institutional, and temporal lines, and by excessive movements, through which migrants attempt to take advantage of the unevenness characterising the EUropean space. The article argues that an emphasis on the excess of reception and on the excessive character of movements points to possible ways for rethinking Europe in terms in which unevenness is replaced by equal possibilities, living conditions, and welfare.

This dissertation focuses on the role of representations of the past in social differentiation in Bolivia. I examine how connotations of specific representations of the past form important catalysts for organization and mobilization by political parties and social movements throughout the country. Assertions of a direct lineage to various precolonial, colonial, and post-independent peoples have played a vital role in contemporary ideas of difference between the highlands and lowlands of the country. These conceptions of ancestry are used both by political parties and social movements to construct oppositional lines of descent, and perceived differences inherited from ancestors legitimize contemporary ideas about regional variation in Bolivia. This research outlines how these divides are the discursive means through which material claims are debated. Felt historical differences are directly connected to debates over revenue from oil and gas reserves, agrarian reform, and the influence of locally and regionally elected officials in national decisions. As a result, at stake is the distribution of wealth as well as the systems of land ownership and political representation in the country. This research contributes to the anthropology of memory in three ways. First, by framing memory as a representation of the past, I demonstrate how these representations connect individuals temporally to a common ancestral heritage as well as spatially to a place. In this capacity, I argue that memory is a bridge connecting people to each other and to particular shared spaces. Second, in exploring the current role of descent in social distinctions, I show how an individual's perceived ancestry associates ancestral identification with a shared lineage, outlining a key overlap between autobiographical and collective memory. Finally, I demonstrate how power is exercised in the ability to control the connotation of important representations of the past through investigating how these representations are catalysts for organization and mobilization by political parties and social movements. In this capacity, I show that representations of the past reflect, but are also used to construct, meaningful social distinctions and differentiation in the present