Suchergebnisse

Due to the economic and commercial rise of China, the economic value, political value, and instrumental advantages produced by Chinese have become more significant. The fever for learning Chinese continues to intensify all over the world, and Chinese instruction has become increasingly popular. Taiwan is a country with Chinese as its official language; and an important issue rose in international educational policy is how to attract international students to study Chinese in Taiwan. At the same time, Taiwan has promoted the internationalization of universities in the recent years; it hopes to elevate the visibility of its universities on the international stage, and intends to broaden diplomacy and promote economic development. This study found that international students who came to Taiwan to learn Chinese tended to be Asians. The different original residence locations of international students would significantly affect learning Chinese as serious leisure. International students who rented apartments with others off-campus or who chose home-stays had greater life planning, effort in Chinese learning, continuous benefits from Chinese learning, and a sense of community identification with their learning peers, as compared to international students who lived in school dormitories or lived alone off-campus. International students who had mor e disposable income each month were more likely to gain lasting benefits from Chinese learning and strong community identification with their learning peers. Key words: International education; International students; Chinese learning; Language learning as serious leisure Resumé: En raison de l'essor économique et commercial de la Chine, la valeur économique, la valeur politique et les avantages instrumentaux produits par les Chinois sont devenus plus importants. L'enthouiasme pour apprendre le chinois continue de s'intensifier dans le monde entier, et l'enseignement du chinois est devenu de plus en plus populaire. La langue officielle de Taiwan est le chinois, et l'une des questions importantes dans la politique éducative internationale est de savoir comment attirer des étudiants étrangers à étudier le chinois à Taiwan. En même temps, Taiwan a favorisé l'internationalisation des universités dans les années récentes. Il espère rehausser la visibilité de ses universités sur la scène internationale et il a l'intention d'élargir la diplomatie et promouvoir le développement économique. Cette étude a révélé que les étudiants étrangers qui sont venus à Taiwan pour apprendre le chinois sont plutôt des Asiatiques. Les localisations différentes de résidence originale des étudiants étrangers auraient une influence significative sur leur apprentissage du chinois en tant que loisir sérieux. Les étudiants étrangers qui ont loué des appartements avec d'autres étudiants en dehors du campus ou ceux qui ont choisi une famille d'acceuil avaient une planification de vie plus longue et un effort d'apprendre le Chinois plus grand. Ils bénéficiaient des avantages continus de l'apprentissage du chinois et avaient un sentiment d'identification de communauté avec leurs partenaires de l'apprentissage, par rapport aux étudiants étrangers qui vivaient dans les dortoirs scolaires ou vivaient seuls en dehors du campus. Les étudiants étrangers qui avaient un revenu disponible plus élevé chaque mois étaient plus susceptibles d'obtenir des avantages durables de l'apprentissage du chinois et avaient une identification forte de communauté avec leurs partenaire de l'apprentissage. Mots-clés: éducation internationale; étudiants internationaux; apprentissage du chinois; apprentissage de langue en tant que loisir sérieux

Проводится анализ стратегии и состояния энергетики Китая в области обеспечения энергетической безопасности, рассматривается взаимосвязь между экономической и энергетической безопасностью. Исследуются составляющие энергетической политики Китайской Народной Республики в контексте политизации мировой энергетики и постоянного увеличения спроса на углеводородные источники энергии. Подчеркивается важность стратегических путей сообщения для энергетической безопасности КНР и анализируется китайская стратегия, направленная на контроль морских коммуникаций. ; Energy security becomes an essential part of the states economic security. The growth of energy demand affects the economic and ecological situation in China since these areas are inevitably connected. Rapid growth in Chinas economy translates into substantial growth in energy demand. For the Peoples Republic of China, which places economic growth as the top priority of national policy, it is important to promote progress. Growth of energy consumption causes problems not only in China but also all over the world. These problems become very significant within the fact that energy sector itself is an increasingly politicised area. There are four components of the strategy of Chinas energy security: diplomatic works combine with efforts to negotiate forward basing rights aimed at lending legitimacy to a more large-scale Chinese presence in the Indian Ocean strengthening economic ties with neighbour-countries and importing countries to ensure the steady energy supply development of alternative fuels and energy savings in order to reduce dependence on oil and gas import encouraging Chinese companies to participate and invest in overseas oil and gas projects, establishment of strategic oil reserves. To meet the increasing energy needs China must ensure stable and safe energy supplies from various regions. Therefore, now it is important to diversify and secure oil imports, get an access to basic resources and enhance the security of oil transportation from the Middle East. Concern for energy security made China pay attention to the strategic lines of communication (SLOCs). Free access from the coast of China into the Indian Ocean has a peculiar significance. It is obvious China fears the presence of the USA, which can control Chinese economy dependant on sea lines in the moments of crisis. SLOCs connecting China with Africa and Middle East pass through the Strait of Malacca. Ninety five percent of the oil used in China is transported by sea, and 80 percent of that is shipped through the strait, that is 15 million barrels of oil per day. The Strait of Malacca illustrates that China will depend heavily on international sea-lines to import oil from Africa and Middle East. That becomes a potential threat to energy security in accordance with the position of the USA. Considering vulnerability of SLOCs China developed a long-term strategy aimed to ensure the energy security and security of SLOCs. It is: to minimize the concerns of South and South-East Asia nations who worry of Chinas claims undermine the claims of the USA to control the Asian sea space suppress nationalism in China to maintain political and social stability. All these measures are parts of the so-called soft power. China is extremely good at using strategy, which Russia fails to acquire. Slowly and steadily, without confrontations, using mainly diplomacy and finance, it achieves the goals.

The following document, previously unpublished, was written in March 2010 by a recently retired ( June 2009) U.S. Army colonel with thirty years experience in the Middle East, including tours of duty and advisory roles (in both military/security and civilian domains) from North Africa to the Persian Gulf. The subject of the informal report is the author's first two trips as a "civilian" to Israel and the West Bank, where he had served two tours of duty, most recently as U.S. military attachéé in Tel Aviv during Israel's 2005 unilateral disengagement from Gaza and the formation of the U.S. Security Coordinator's (USSC) mission to reform Palestinian Authority (PA) security forces.
Written as an internal document for military colleagues and government circles, the report has been circulating widely——as did the author's earlier briefings on travel or missions in Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Egypt, and especially Iraq——among White House senior staff, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Defense Intelligence Agency, CENTCOM (U.S. Central Command), EUCOM (U.S. European Command), and the USSC team.
The document's focus is the state of the "peace process" and the current situation in the West Bank, with particular attention to the PA security forces and the changes on the ground since the author's last tour there ended in mid-2007. But the real interest of the paper lies in the message directed at its intended audience of military and government policy officials——that is, its frank assessment of the deficiencies of the U.S. peace effort and the wider U.S. policy-making system in the Israel-Palestine arena, with particular emphasis on the disconnect between the situation on the ground and the process led by Washington. The critique has special resonance in light of the emerging new thinking in the administration fueled by the military high command's unhappiness (expressed by CENTCOM commander General David Petraeus and Joint Chiefs of Staff chairman Admiral Michael Mullen) with the State Department's handling of Middle East diplomacy, especially with regard to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, on the grounds that diplomatic failures are having a negative impact on U.S. operations elsewhere in the region.
For most JPS readers, the report has additional interest as an insider's view of the U.S. security presence in the Israel-Palestine arena. It also reflects a military approach that is often referenced but largely absent in public discourse and academic writings.
The author, in addition to his tours of duty and peacekeeping missions in various Middle Eastern countries, has served as advisor to two U.S. special Middle East envoys, the U.S. negotiating team with Syria, General Petraeus, Lieutenant General Keith Dayton, Vice President Dick Cheney, and, more generally, to CENTCOM, the Department of Defense, and the Joint Chiefs of Staff, among others. In retirement, he has worked with CENTCOM as a key primary subject matter expert in the development of analyses and solutions for its area of responsibility, leads predeployment briefings for army units heading to Iraq, and travels frequently to Iraq and elsewhere in the region as an independent consultant. He is currently in Afghanistan with the CENTCOM commander's Afghanistan-Pakistan Center of Excellence.
The report, made available to JPS, is being published with the author's permission.

In the last decade, when operating outside its borders, the United States has mainly been opposing the geopolitical challenges President Obama inherited from his predecessor; this is primarily true of the Middle East. From the very beginning, the president-elect outlined America's political priorities in this volatile region of the world. He shifted the accents from ending the war in Iraq to Afghanistan where he promised to increase his country's military contingent, strengthen the law-enforcement and administrative structures and involve Pakistan in the anti-Taliban struggle. The Iranian nuclear file was treated as another serious threat to U.S. security. The interconnected threats called for adequate measures; as a first step, President Obama appointed Richard Holbrooke his Special Representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan; George Mitchell, Special Envoy for the Middle East, and Dennis Ross, advisor on Iran. This and considerable funding of military and other spheres did nothing to make Washington's Middle Eastern policy more consistent; so far it remains ambiguous in the Iranian vector as well. During 2009, for example, Washington twice changed its mind about the numerical strength of its military contingent in Afghanistan; an announcement about its increase was followed by a decision to pull out in 2011. This shows that the incumbent president is trying to resolve this strategically important problem before the end of his presidential term. The Administration still has no idea about how to achieve "correct" relations with Islamabad, even though the situation in Afghanistan and Pakistan calls for interrelated policies to be pursued on both sides of their common border. In 2009-2010, the situation in Iraq stabilized to the extent that in the last days of George W. Bush's presidency, his Administration announced that a gradual troop withdrawal was not far away. The events of 2009 and the first half of 2010, however, showed that security in Iraq is fragile to say the least and, without an acceptable domestic political balance, it will continue deteriorating until the day of America's final pull-out (sometime in 2011) arrives. American diplomacy has failed to make any perceptible progress on the Iranian nuclear issue; the crisis will escalate, which will probably force President Obama to make consequential political decisions. Washington's efforts to settle the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and, in particular, to hold talks with Israel about the Jewish settlements fell through together with the illusions about America's ability to succeed. So far, Barack Obama's Cairo Speech can be described as the only triumph of America's Middle Eastern policy. Speaking at Cairo University, the president said in particular: "I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year." And further: "I've come here to Cairo to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world;" he assured the audience that his Administration had dropped the term "war on terror" coined by the previous administration. This did nothing to improve America's image around the world; sociological polls in pro-American countries (Egypt, Jordan, Pakistan, and Turkey) revealed that the approval rate had dropped below 30 percent. It should be said in all justice that new approaches to Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iran remained pending not only because the problems inherited from the previous administration defied resolution, but also because the world financial and economic crisis complicated the situation at home.

Ortadoğu, gerek stratejik konumu gerekse yeraltı kaynakları bakımından tüm dünyanın dikkatinin yöneldiği bir bölgedir. Bu coğrafyada sürekli yaşanan gerilimler Ortadoğu'nun devamlı dünya gündeminde kalan bir bölge olmasını hazırlamıştır. Bu sorunlardan en bilinenleri kronik hale gelen İsrail-Filistin çatışması, İsrail-Lübnan gerginliği ve ABD'nin Irak işgali sonrası ülkenin içine sürüklendiği iç savaştır. Sorunlarının sadece başlıklarıyla uzun bir liste oluşturulabilecek Ortadoğu'da Türkiye sorunların çözümüne katkı sağlamaya çalışmıştır. 1980 sonrasında Ortadoğu'da daha aktif bir rol arayışına giren Türkiye'nin I. Körfez Krizindeki tutumu nedeniyle ekonomik anlamda yaşadığı kayıpların telafisi güç olmuştur. 11 Eylül sonrasında yine Ortadoğu bölgesinde ortaya çıkan olumsuz gelişmeler Türkiye'yi bu coğrafyada aktif bir politika izlemeye yöneltmiştir. İktidarda olan 58. ve 59. Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Hükümetlerinin Ortadoğu'da sergiledikleri aktif politikalarla, ülkenin bölgesel güç olma hedefi bağlamında önemli yol kat etmesi sağlanmıştır. İzlenen Ortadoğu politikası nedeniyle iç ve dış kamuoyunda eleştirilmiş olmakla birlikte her iki hükümet de geliştirdikleri çok yönlü açılımlar ve uyguladıkları pro-aktif diplomasi ile uluslararası arenada Türkiye'den söz ettirmişlerdir. 58. ve 59. Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Hükümetlerinin iktidar dönemi, tarih sahnesinden çekilişi yüz yılı bulmamış Osmanlı Devleti'nin stratejik iktidar alanlarından olan Ortadoğu'da yürütülecek çok yönlü politikalarla Türkiye'nin hareket kabiliyetinin gelişeceğinin görüldüğü bir dönem olmuştur. Tarihsel süreç içerisinde bir çatışma alanı olarak karşımıza çıkan Ortadoğu bölgesinde 58. ve 59. Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Hükümetleri döneminde yaşanan gelişmelere ilişkin yürütülen politikaların incelendiği bu tez Türkiye'nin yakın gelecekte bölgede üstlenmesi muhtemel role ışık tutmaktadır. ; The Middle East, due to its strategic position and underground resources, has taken the primary attention of the world. The continuous tension in the region has made the Middle East a region of cardinal interest in the world. The most well known among these problems is the invasion of Iraq by US forces which led to the breakout of a civil war in the country and serious turmoils of Israel-Lebanon and Israel-Palestine conflicts. The Middle East defined through a long list of problems has produced a vicious circle of unsolvable quarrels. Turkey has tried to find solutions to resolve those conflicts in this neighborhood. In the post-1980 Turkey searched ways of being more active in the Middle East although Turkey has been unable to reclaim the economic losses it suffered due to its stance in the Gulf War I. After 9/11 negative developments in the region has redirected Turkey to pursue a vigorous political strategy. As a result, Turkey has earned its position as the most influential country in the Middle East. Active political approaches pursued in the Middle East by the 58th and 59th Turkish governments led Turkey to become a regional power. Due to the political views of these governments, some domestic and foreign criticisms have been harsh, but the diplomacy that they followed and their political views have settled Turkey in a new place within the international arena. The Middle East, was one of the most important region of the Ottoman Empire has become one of the most important areas for the 58th and 59th Turkish governments just after less than a century of the dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire. The active political approaches reinforce the weight of the Turkish Republic in the Middle East. This thesis analyzes the policies of the 58th and 59th Turkish governments concerning the Middle East and try to show the role that Turkey can play in this region in the future.

Safevi Devleti ile başlayan Osmanlı-İran ilişkileri, her iki devleti de memnun etmeyecek durumda gelişmiştir. İki devlet karşılıklı geliştirdiği politikalarla Irak bölgesine hakim olmak istemiştir. Bölgenin hakimi Osmanlı Devleti'dir. Bu süreç XIX. yüzyıla değin devam etmiştir. İran'ın bölgedeki ticaretten pay almak isteği bu dönemde daha da belirginleşecektir. İki devlet arasındaki hudud oldukça uzundur. Bölgede yaşayan aşiret ve tebanın muğlak durumu ve daha önceden yapılan antlaşmaların sorunlara kalıcı çözümler üretmeyişi, iki devlet arasındaki ilişkileri daha da zorlaştırmıştır. Bu dönemde iki devlet ilişkilerine İngiltere ve Rusya da müdahil olmuştur. Muhammed Şah'ın Herat'ı işgaliyle gerginleşen İran-Osmanlı ilişkileri, İngiltere ve Rusya'nın arabulucuğuyla bir savaş vuku bulmadan neticelenecektir. 1847 Erzurum Antlaşması öncesi, İran Devleti Murahhası Mirza Taki Han ile Osmanlı Devleti Murahhası Enverî Efendi, iki devlet arasındaki sorunları çözmek amacıyla Erzurum'da bir araya gelmişlerdir. İngiltere ve Rusya da bu müzakerelere gözlemci olarak katılmıştır. İki devlet arasında yapılan bu görüşmeler yaklaşık dört yıl ( 1843- 1847) sürmüştür. Enverî Efendi, Erzurum'da İran Sefiri ile yaptığı mükâleme mazbatalarını ve Hariciye Nezareti ile yaptığı yazışmaları İran Sefaretnamesi adıyla kaleme almıştır. Eserimiz müellif yazmasıdır. Başka nüshası bulunmamaktadır. Sefâretnâme metni, Osmanlı İran ilişkilerini anlamak açısından önem taşımaktadır. Ayrıca İngiltere ve Rusya'nın bölgeye yönelik tutumunu bu eserle görmekteyiz. Eserimiz diplomasi tarihi açısından da son derece önemlidir. Tezimiz İran Sefâretnâmesi isimli eserin transkripsiyonu ve değerlendirilmesini ihtiva etmektedir. Sefâretnâme metninin Latin Alfabesi ile Türkçe'ye kazandırılması amaçlanmıştır. İran Sefâretnâmesi isimli eser, Osmanlı Türkçesi'nin en güzel nesir örneklerinden birisidir. ABSTRACTOttoman-Iranian relations began with the Safevi State, but developed unsatisfactorily for both parties. Both states tried to impose their policies on the Iraq region. The ruler of the region was the Ottoman Empire. This process continued until the 19th century. In this period, Persia's demand to receive a portion of the regional trade became more significant. The frontier between the two states is very long. The relationship between the two states became more difficult because of the unclear situation of the subjects and tribes in the region, and the failure of previously signed agreements to provide a permanent solution to the problems in the region. It was during this period that England and Russia began to interfere in relations between the two states. Tensions in Ottoman-Persian relations increased with the occupation of Herat by Muhammed Şah, but war was avoided through the intervention of England and Russia. Before the Erzurum Pact in 1847, Persian state representative, Mirza Taki Khan, and Ottoman Empire representative, Sir Enverî, conducted a series of negotiations to attempt to solve the problems between the two states. England and Russia joined these negotiations as observers. These negotiations between the two governments continued for approximately four years (1843-1847) Enverî Efendi recorded the official reports of meetings with the Persian ambassador in Erzurum and correspondence with the Iranian Foreign Ministry in a book entitled "Iran Sefaretnamesi". This work exists only in manuscript form. The text of "Sefaretname" is important in understanding relations between the Ottoman Empire and Persia. We can also discern the attitudes of Russia toward the region in this book. At the same time, this book is hugely important in the history of diplomacy. This thesis contains the transcription and analysis of "Iran Sefaretnamesi" and its aim is the creation of a Turkish translation of this invaluable document. The Iran Sefaretname is an exquisite of Ottoman Turkish prose.

This book closely scrutinizes the individual and collective roles played by China, the EU and the USA in contemporary world politics. Examining the three actors' respective strategic and policy positions on and behaviour towards the flux of the contemporary global order, the analysis focuses on three major issues and challenges: foreign and security policy; economics and trade; and climate change and energy. Discussing their relative power, as well as their interests, beliefs and positions on a set of decisive issues, this book explores bilateral relations between the three powers and the ways in which they may interact trilaterally in a broader global context to shape international politics.

Europe is increasingly required to assume greater responsibility for its own well-being and security. The debate about strengthening Europe's ability to exert influence and act on its interests revolves around concepts such as strategic autonomy and - above all in France - European sovereignty. But rarely are these terms defined, or their political and practical implications explained. In this publication strategic autonomy is defined as the ability to set priorities and make decisions in matters of foreign policy and security, together with the institutional, political and material wherewithal to carry these through - in cooperation with third parties, or if need be alone. This understanding encompasses the entire spectrum of foreign policy and secu­rity, and not just the dimension of defence. Autonomy is always relative. Politically it means growing readiness, a process rather than a condition. Autonomy means neither autarchy nor isolation, nor rejection of alliances. It is not an end in itself, but a means to protect and promote values and interests. The authors of this collaborative study offer more than definitions. They explore what Germany needs to do, on its own and in cooperation with its European partners, to achieve greater strategic autonomy. What difficulties and conflicts of goals are to be expected. What is necessary and urgent? What is possible at all? What resources will Germany and Europe need to commit? What red lines will Germany encounter in its own internal politics and among its partners? And which questions will need further political dis­cussion? (author's abstract)

Bereits in den ersten Tagen seiner Amtszeit zeichnete sich ab, dass die Präsidentschaft Donald Trumps wohl zu einer Belastungsprobe für die transatlantischen Beziehungen werden wird. Für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland und Institutionen, die im Bereich des
Kultur- und Bildungswesens aktiv sind, stellt sich dabei die Frage, wie der Dialog und kulturelle Austausch zwischen den Partnern in Zukunft neu ausgerichtet werden wird. Die vorliegende Studie untersucht mögliche Auswirkungen der jüngsten US-Präsidentschaftswahl auf die Kulturbeziehungen zwischen den USA und Deutschland. Sie bietet
dazu einen Überblick zur Wählerschaft Trumps und gegenwärtigen politischen Entwicklungen, die sich auf die US-amerikanische Außenkulturpolitik auswirken können. Zudem werden empirische Ergebnisse präsentiert, die sich mit Trumps Rhetorik zu Deutschland befassen. Eine Expertenumfrage unter relevanten institutionellen Akteuren, die zwischen
Ende April bis Anfang Mai 2017 stattfand, beleuchtet deren Einschätzungen und Reaktionen. Abschließend werden einige Prognosen und Handlungsvorschläge für die künftige Auswärtige Kulturpolitik entwickelt.

In case studies focusing on contemporary crises spanning Africa, the Middle East, and Eastern Europe, the scholars in this volume examine the dominant prescriptive practices of late neoliberal post-conflict interventions--such as statebuilding, peacebuilding, transitional justice, refugee management, reconstruction, and redevelopment--and contend that the post-conflict environment is in fact created and sustained by this international technocratic paradigm of peacebuilding. Key international stakeholders--from activists to politicians, humanitarian agencies to financial institutions--characterize disparate sites as "weak," "fragile," or "failed" states and, as a result, prescribe peacebuilding techniques that paradoxically disable effective management of post-conflict spaces while perpetuating neoliberal political and economic conditions

В статье рассматриваются лексические и фразеологические средства, используемые в высказываниях спикеров в рамках регулярных пресс-конференций Министерства иностранных дел КНР. ; This article examines the statements of speakers at regular press conferences of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China, analyzes the lexical and phraseological means used in these speeches, identifies the links between them, the national and cultural traditions and the political course of the country's leadership.

Social media increasingly shapes the way in which we perceive conflicts and conflict parties abroad. Conflict parties, therefore, have started using social media strategically to influence public opinion abroad. This book explores the phenomenon by examining, (1) which strategies of external communication conflict parties use during asymmetric conflicts and (2) what shapes the selection of these communication strategies. In a comprehensive case study of the conflict in Israel and Palestine, the author shows that the selection of strategies of external communication is shaped by the (asymmetric) conflict structure.

International audience ; Volume 10 of the Collected Orations of Pope Pius II contains fourteen orations held by Pius II in the last years of his pontificate, from 1462-1464. It comprises the three very important orations from March 1462, the "Existimatis fortasse" relaunching his crusade project, the "Per me reges regnant" on the abolition of Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges, and the "Superioribus diebus" with a refusal to grant communion under both species to the Bohemians. It also contains the orations delivered at the reception of Saint Andrew's Head in Rome, a major propaganda scoop for the papacy. And finally it contains the "Sextus agitur annus", the prelude to his great crusade bull Ezechielis propheta, officially initiating his crusade.

This research work is devoted to the study of a key British institution, its function and its organization, from the merger of the Commonwealth Office and the Foreign Office in 1968, until 1985.Of particular interest is the way the changing role of Britain in the world and international conflicts bear upon the functioning and the evolution of the FCO. The point is to assess to what extent the context influences the institution itself.British foreign policy seems to be mostly determined by the Foreign Secretary and the Prime Minister. It is therefore well worth gaging what the function of the FCO is, and its relationship with the holders of political power.The role of the FCO as one of the internal and external agents of British foreign policy is assessed here, through three cases: the internal reorganization of the service in 1968, the management of a crisis – the postponements of independence for Guiana from 1953 to 1966, and the failure of a negotiation in peacetime – the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea from 1973 to 1982.Beyond the internal functioning of the institution, this research work strives to offer an interpretation of the changes. The relationship between the FCO and the holders of political power, the real power and influence of the FCO are under consideration, in particular during key moments of particular significance for the institution. ; Cette recherche s'attache à l'étude d'une institution britannique, à son rôle et son organisation depuis la fusion, en 1968, du Commonwealth Office et du Foreign Office, jusqu'à l'année 1985.Il s'agit ainsi de voir comment le Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) fonctionne et comment il a su évoluer au gré du temps, du changement de la place de la Grande-Bretagne dans le monde, et des conflits internationaux. Ainsi, on peut se demander quelles influences le contexte a eu sur l'institution en elle-même. Dès lors, une place particulière est accordée à l'Europe, la 'relation spéciale' avec les États-Unis et la décolonisation.La politique étrangère britannique semble aujourd'hui être principalement dans les mains du pouvoir politique : du ministre des Affaires étrangères (Foreign Secretary), et du Premier ministre. Quelle place le FCO occupe-t-il alors, et quelles relations entretient-il avec le pouvoir politique ?Il s'agit ainsi de considérer la place du FCO au sein des différents acteurs internes et externes de la politique étrangère britannique en analysant trois cas concrets : une réorganisation interne de l'institution (la fusion de 1968), une gestion de crise (l'indépendance retardée de la Guyane britannique, 1953-1966), et une négociation d'accord en temps de paix (l'échec des négociations de la Convention des Nations unies sur le droit de la mer, 1973-1982).Ce travail de recherche tente ainsi d'offrir une interprétation allant au-delà du fonctionnement interne de l'institution. Il s'agit de mettre en relation le Foreign and Commonwealth Office et le pouvoir politique, et ainsi d'étudier les pouvoirs et influences du FCO tout en s'attachant à des périodes clés à l'orée de changements.

This research work is devoted to the study of a key British institution, its function and its organization, from the merger of the Commonwealth Office and the Foreign Office in 1968, until 1985.Of particular interest is the way the changing role of Britain in the world and international conflicts bear upon the functioning and the evolution of the FCO. The point is to assess to what extent the context influences the institution itself.British foreign policy seems to be mostly determined by the Foreign Secretary and the Prime Minister. It is therefore well worth gaging what the function of the FCO is, and its relationship with the holders of political power.The role of the FCO as one of the internal and external agents of British foreign policy is assessed here, through three cases: the internal reorganization of the service in 1968, the management of a crisis – the postponements of independence for Guiana from 1953 to 1966, and the failure of a negotiation in peacetime – the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea from 1973 to 1982.Beyond the internal functioning of the institution, this research work strives to offer an interpretation of the changes. The relationship between the FCO and the holders of political power, the real power and influence of the FCO are under consideration, in particular during key moments of particular significance for the institution. ; Cette recherche s'attache à l'étude d'une institution britannique, à son rôle et son organisation depuis la fusion, en 1968, du Commonwealth Office et du Foreign Office, jusqu'à l'année 1985.Il s'agit ainsi de voir comment le Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) fonctionne et comment il a su évoluer au gré du temps, du changement de la place de la Grande-Bretagne dans le monde, et des conflits internationaux. Ainsi, on peut se demander quelles influences le contexte a eu sur l'institution en elle-même. Dès lors, une place particulière est accordée à l'Europe, la 'relation spéciale' avec les États-Unis et la décolonisation.La politique étrangère ...