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Nano power diplomacy is a diplomacy done by individuals and small groups, without bargaining and negotiating. Diplomacy without theoretical and scientific approaches, because it is just a small nod (actor unit) that does not carry a real-power set. Nano power diplomacy is an activity that emphasizes sharing of symbols between citizens, person to person direct contact. That is, nano power diplomacy is a diplomacy practice based on socio-cultural relations between people, between cultures, which tries to overcome differences and cultural barriers in building an equitable human community, such as race, ethnicity, customs, language, social level -economy, skin color and differences of trust and religion. A truly initiated diplomacy by the individual, which does not speak of conflict mediation and economic perspective, without bilateral, multilateral and summit meeting typologies, but diplomacy that emphasizes interpersonal communication and public communication. There is no secrecy, hidden agendas and transparencies, because every participant in nano power diplomacy is a human being who is born by a product of the same destiny, namely God the Creator. They multiply, eat and drink of the same type. They also have a lifestyle in much the same way. Finally, they also communicate in more or less the same way and pattern, verbal and non-verbal communication. Thus, human beings are universal beings who have the ability to live in kinship. Below is described the basic assumptions, methodology and notions of nano power diplomacy

Indonesia's geographical conditions that sourrounded by ocean should be considered as an added value for maritime diplomacy for the sake of the development of Indonesia. Therefore, in terms of geoculture, Maritime Diplomacy should be taken into account as one of the main pillars to build maritime security in Indonesia including the use of maritime diplomacy in response to security threats, so that the defense capabilities will be gradually improved. This article will examine the importance of organizing Indonesia's maritime sector regarding the vision of the Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF) in order to see the strengths and weaknesses of Indonesian Navy's capabilities as an instrument of Indonesia's Maritime diplomacy to support the development of maritime security. This article also argued that the most important in Indonesia's Maritime Diplomacy is that Indonesia is capable to guarantee maritime security for all stakeholders regionally and globally. Indonesia needs to improve management and expand promotion for all trading ports available, namely Jakarta and Surabaya as well as other ports as a hub of global maritime prospects. By enhancing maritime safety and security, various international cooperation will be maintained and pro table for Indonesia.

Abstract COVID – 19 is an unprecedented occasion that forces every state to adapt to the current changes in the dynamics of international relations. The impacts that are given by the Pandemic are not only on the health aspects, but also give the spillover effects to some aspects, such as economy and social, as the result of the closed-border policy and the restrictions policy on trading. By that means, the holistic and comprehensive approaches are needed to tackle the pandemic. Furthermore, Global Health Diplomacy is considered as one of the instruments or means to tackle the impacts of it. Notwithstanding, there are some states which implement the Me First Policy, especially at the beginning of the Pandemic. This paper examines Indonesia Foreign Policy through Global Health Diplomacy during COVID – 19 and to analyses the characteristics of the policy, either cooperative or competitive. This paper uses the concept of Global Health Diplomacy by Kickbusch and Told on 21st Century Health Diplomacy: A New Relationship between Foreign Policy and Health, Global Health Diplomacy: The Need for New Perspectives, Strategic Approaches and Skills in Global Health, by Kickbusch, Ilona; Silberschmidt, Gaudenz; Buss, Paulo and the concept of Global Health Diplomacy by Khazatzadeh-Mahani, A., Ruckert, A., & LabontÉ, R Through its Global Health Diplomacy, Indonesia is aiming to implement the policy which are based on the solidarity and cooperativeness. Keywords: COVID – 19, Global Health Diplomacy, Indonesia, Cooperative, Competitive

International audience ; The arrangements offered by international community as solutions to Yugoslav dissolution process have significantly affected the development of the Kosovo conflict. These policies failed to produce consensus between the parties in conflict, instead, as the paper demonstrate, they played the role of a catalyst in the initiation of the conflict. This paper, by offering a detailed reconstruction of the process by which the international community tried to settle the Kosovo case, demonstrates how the dynamics of the conflict interacted dynamically with international community attitudes and policies towards the case. The paper discusses the attitudes and policies of international community toward the Kosovo case underlining its attachment to traditional prerequisites of international order instead of inherited causes of conflict. There are three important events that underline the interference of international community in the case of Kosovo before the war: the Conference on Yugoslavia that followed up the creation of the Badinter Committee, the Dayton Agreement and the Rambouillet Talks. These events are explained in details in three separate sections since they have immediate implications for the situation in Kosovo and consequently for the development of the conflict. We first discuss the contribution of existing normative framework to models of international community behavior and their effects in the case of Kosovo conflict following with the reaction of the conflicting parties towards offered arrangements. Both moments are assumed to be of importance in providing a larger picture in the understanding of the outgrowth of Kosovo conflict.

International audience ; The arrangements offered by international community as solutions to Yugoslav dissolution process have significantly affected the development of the Kosovo conflict. These policies failed to produce consensus between the parties in conflict, instead, as the paper demonstrate, they played the role of a catalyst in the initiation of the conflict. This paper, by offering a detailed reconstruction of the process by which the international community tried to settle the Kosovo case, demonstrates how the dynamics of the conflict interacted dynamically with international community attitudes and policies towards the case. The paper discusses the attitudes and policies of international community toward the Kosovo case underlining its attachment to traditional prerequisites of international order instead of inherited causes of conflict. There are three important events that underline the interference of international community in the case of Kosovo before the war: the Conference on Yugoslavia that followed up the creation of the Badinter Committee, the Dayton Agreement and the Rambouillet Talks. These events are explained in details in three separate sections since they have immediate implications for the situation in Kosovo and consequently for the development of the conflict. We first discuss the contribution of existing normative framework to models of international community behavior and their effects in the case of Kosovo conflict following with the reaction of the conflicting parties towards offered arrangements. Both moments are assumed to be of importance in providing a larger picture in the understanding of the outgrowth of Kosovo conflict.

The preference of states to use public diplomacy strategy to support the realization of their national interests has become an international phenomenon nowadays. Public diplomacy in the modern era of International Relations turns out to be an instrument for states to exercise their soft power, as well as to convey specific messages intended for the international public. Thus, public diplomacy could be an alternative way for states that had serious barriers in practicing formal diplomacy in conventional ways. Palestine, as an entity whose legal status remains debatable, also utilizes public diplomacy as its strategy to gain support and recognition from the international community. This paper would aim to answer the research question on how Palestine exercises its public diplomacy, particularly digital diplomacy and citizen diplomacy, to gain international recognition for its statehood. By means of the use of social media and the exposure on Palestine's internationally well-known figure, Palestine is building a perception that Palestine itself is a state with no difference with the other states — therefore deserves independence and total sovereignty over its territory. ; The preference of states to use public diplomacy strategy to support the realization of their national interests has become an international phenomenon nowadays. Public diplomacy in the modern era of International Relations turns out to be an instrument for states to exercise their soft power, as well as to convey specific messages intended for the international public. Thus, public diplomacy could be an alternative way for states that had serious barriers in practicing formal diplomacy in conventional ways. Palestine, as an entity whose legal status remains debatable, also utilizes public diplomacy as its strategy to gain support and recognition from the international community. This paper would aim to answer the research question on how Palestine exercises its public diplomacy, particularly digital diplomacy and citizen diplomacy, to gain international recognition for its statehood. By means of the use of social media and the exposure on Palestine's internationally well-known figure, Palestine is building a perception that Palestine itself is a state with no difference with the other states — therefore deserves independence and total sovereignty over its territory

The power of movies are believed to be able to change the perception of international public towards particular country. Movies then became a popular thing as part of a country's cultural diplomacy because of its huge influence nowadays. A number of countries put movies as part of their cultural diplomacy. Likewise with Europe, which began to use Europe on Screen (EoS) as part of its cultural diplomacy. However, the debate about cultural diplomacy appears to be related to the objectives of cultural diplomacy itself. Some academicians believe that diplomacy is always related to the political goals of the state, while others believe that cultural diplomacy must be distinguished from other diplomatic activities because the aim is merely to foster mutual understanding and harmony through the introduction of culture. This article was written to understand the concept of cultural diplomacy and to know whether a movie can be part of cultural diplomacy, especially activities organized by Europe on Screen. This article will be presented by tracing back what is meant by cultural diplomacy and how the practice of cultural diplomacy through movies by a number of countries. By referring to the conception of cultural diplomacy and the practice of using movies by a number of countries, this article puts Europe on Screen as part of cultural diplomacy not because of the movies itself but from the overall project activities of the EoS. ; The power of movies are believed to be able to change the perception of international public towards particular country. Movies then became a popular thing as part of a country's cultural diplomacy because of its huge influence nowadays. A number of countries put movies as part of their cultural diplomacy. Likewise with Europe, which began to use Europe on Screen (EoS) as part of its cultural diplomacy. However, the debate about cultural diplomacy appears to be related to the objectives of cultural diplomacy itself. Some academicians believe that diplomacy is always related to the political goals of the state, while others believe that cultural diplomacy must be distinguished from other diplomatic activities because the aim is merely to foster mutual understanding and harmony through the introduction of culture. This article was written to understand the concept of cultural diplomacy and to know whether a movie can be part of cultural diplomacy, especially activities organized by Europe on Screen. This article will be presented by tracing back what is meant by cultural diplomacy and how the practice of cultural diplomacy through movies by a number of countries. By referring to the conception of cultural diplomacy and the practice of using movies by a number of countries, this article puts Europe on Screen as part of cultural diplomacy not because of the movies itself but from the overall project activities of the EoS.

The background of this article is the existence of a global pandemic COVID-19 which has an impact in various fields. This article seeks to explore the impact of the COVID-19 global pandemic on information and communications technology (ICT) in the form of digital diplomacy. Exploration is carried out by investigating the case of Indonesian diplomacy at the United Nations (UN) in March, April, and May 2020. The main concept in this article is digital diplomacy. This concept illustrates the use of ICT as a means of diplomacy for state actors and changes at the policy and institutional levels. This article found various digital diplomacy activities from the Permanent Mission of the Republic of Indonesia to the United Nations in New York, United States during the global pandemic COVID-19. These activities include: 1) coordination with Indonesia's Embassy and Consulate General in the United States to protect Indonesian citizens; 2) participation in UN Security Council virtual meeting to discuss international peace and security issues; and 3) participation in other UN bodies virtual meetings to discuss international development issues. This article argues that the impact of the COVID-19 global pandemic in the field of ICT is reflected in Indonesia's digital diplomacy at the United Nations. The global pandemic COVID-19 changed the means and tools used by Indonesian diplomats to gather information, negotiations, and responses on international issues. Even so, Indonesian diplomacy at the UN continues to run optimally.

Maritime sovereignty is an integral part of the Indonesia's foreign policy, historically in the era of Nusantara, many competitions to conquer maritime territory was even tangible from the era of Majapahit and Sriwijaya kingdom during their ruling. With the notion of Indonesia as the world's maritime axis, Indonesia's diplomacy is defined clearly by the manifestation of efforts either in bilateral, regional, and multilateral. This article discussed on how Indonesia's diplomacy through IORA cooperation is done to overcome the issue of IUU fishing during the presidency of Joko Widodo from 2015 until 2020. Indonesia's IORA Chairmanship from 2015-2017 has rejuvenate Jakarta's maritime diplomacy. Indonesia's diplomacy depicted that Indonesia is beyond thatn norm-setting but also to the level where Indonesia assert their identity as a sovereign maritime axis amid the challenges and modernization that made non-traditional security as one of the core of contemporary diplomacy.

This article analyzed the opportunities and challenges of Indonesia maritime diplomacy in the context of the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA). As part of the effort to realize the policy of global maritime fulcrum, Indonesia utilizes maritime diplomacy to look for the close cooperation and agreements with IORA member countries. Up to date, Indonesian foreign policy, specifically in the maritime field is tending to be more dominant to the Pacific Ocean rather than the Indian Ocean. Thus, this paper will explain how Indonesia implements its maritime diplomacy within IORA, and what the opportunities and challenges faced by Indonesia inside the association. Using the method of literature study, this descriptive paper uses the concept of maritime diplomacy and global maritime fulcrum in order to explain the study. This paper argues that IORA's strategic policy in maritime security and economic policies, links with Indonesia policy in global maritime fulcrum. Thus, Indonesia uses maritime diplomacy to take the advantages and opportunities to enhance maritime connectivity and cooperation with IORA members. Nevertheless, several issues challenge Indonesia like the increasing of great power states maritime influence such as India and China in the Indian Ocean, as well as challenges in integrating IORA member states.

This study aims to determine the background of Indonesia and Ethiopia conducting trade cooperation which has implications on diplomatic relations between Indonesia and Ethiopia. This study used a qualitative approach, which uses secondary and primary data, where the method of analysis is descriptive analysis. This study uses an analytical framework based on the concept: international trade, national interests and economic diplomacy, and international political economy.The results of this study indicate that the relationship between the political economy of Indonesia and Ethiopia is very closely where this is done through an economic diplomacy. The Economic Diplomacy of Indonesia and Ethiopia is very influential on the development of trade between Indonesia and Ethiopia. In fact, Politics between Indonesia and Ethiopia are only as a political representative, because the driving force of politics between Indonesia and Ethiopia is the economic diplomacy. The motor is the one who makes us move and makes the relationship between Indonesia and Ethiopia are dynamic and increasingly tight.Through economic diplomacy Indonesia and Ethiopia endeavor to establish and improve the bilateral relations that already exist more clearly, planned, systematic and focused to stabilize the diplomatic relations between the two countries and enhancing cooperation in the conducive situation that will produce the pattern and structure of regional security that is based on the economic motives together.

This research is focused on Indonesia-US diplomatic relations in politics and defense. The relationships are very volatile both in terms of closeness and depth of defense cooperation between the two countries. Bilateral defense cooperation is aimed at improving military relations between the two countries and building professionalism of the TNI - in addition to achieving the Indonesian defense goals such as maintaining the sovereignty and integrity of the country. Indonesia has interest in maintaining defense cooperation with the US due to the fact that the majority of Indonesia's major defense equipment is from the US and other western countries. By taking the perspective of the Susilo B. Yudhoyono administration (2004-2014), defense diplomacy is closely related to the Minimum Essential Force (MEF) program. The MEF program has initiated the Indonesian government to cooperate with the US in the context of maintenance and procurement of weapons that have been embargoed since 1999. This research also finds that among various defense cooperation activities between Indonesia and the US, the major one is actually in the field of education and training, e.g., short courses, staff and command education, seminars, post graduate programs and others. Meanwhile, the other defense cooperation activity, namely defense industry, is still very minor until today. The method of research is qualitative using descriptive analytical collected from the interview of practitioners and from secondary sources such book, paper, and open sources

The research is aimed to find out the "Coalition for Freedom of Information" activity, or Coalition, that can be categorized public diplomacy, its relationship with implementing thegovernment as the requirement to realize the good governance, and to get to know the relationship between good governance and the image building of Indonesia. The principles of public relations are used as the approach in analyzing the phenomenon of public diplomacy used by Coalition. This research was conducted by using the qualitative approach through constructivist paradigm toward the Coalition attitude in applying the public diplomacy. This research used both the key and supporting informa collecting was conducted by interview, observation, participation, and documentary study about the Coalition activity as well as the delphi technique. The data analysis was carried out as long as the research went on through the intersubjective commitment to focus being researched. The research gained some findings which involved: (a) The "Coalition for Freedom of Information" activity in public diplomacy can be done by the public relations approach using some activity categories, (b) The "Coalition for freedom of information" performance is focused on the efforts to uphold the law concerning freedom of access to public information in supporting the realization of good governance, (c) The public diplomacy activity applied by the Coalition through its advocacy was considered successful which can be seen by the local government rules concerning the implementation of participative and transparent government, (d) The model with the integrated public diplomacy potency and the synergy between the state actor and the non-state actor possessing their own structural authority and legality in the information service system for all public elements can build the positive image of Indonesia.

This paper looks at how Indonesia contributes to the creation of a relatively peaceful and stable Southeast Asian region after the Cold War. It examines Jakarta's diplomacy in the South China Sea, and explains its implications for the making of the regional order. The argument is that Indonesia's impact on regional security has been apparent in its attention to the improvement of rule-based interaction among states in the region. However, recent developments have demonstrated that Indonesia's initiatives, formulated in the Indo-Pacific Cooperation Concept, are unsuccessful due to the lack of support from other ASEAN states. This paper shows that great powers politics in the troubled waters has hindered the advancement of Indonesian's orderdriven policy.