Suchergebnisse

This study aims to assess the potential, opportunities, and challenge of trade between Indonesia and countries in the middle east. It is qualitative research by using descriptive method. The data is used mainly secondary data, it drawn from relevant institutions, among others: industry and trade, chamber of commerce, the Central Bureau of Statistics, and of the documents related. This study found a variety of potentials, opportunities, and challenges of trade between Indonesia and countries in the middle east, namely: 1) the potential, among other things: the products produced in Indonesia tend to be different from the product produced in the countries middle east region countries, economic growth in the countries of the Middle east are relatively stable. Indonesia has export commodity that was diverse, the competitiveness of Indonesian products is quite high, and the growth of foreign capital in the countries of the Middle East are likely to increase. 2) opportunities, among others: change in economic policy-oriented market economy, relations bilateral diplomacy between Indonesia and countries in middle east has been good, the equation beliefs, it discourse will do the trade in free trade Indonesia between Morocco and Turkey. 3) challenges, among others: Long distance, tariffs are high, less stable political climate, limited support of the financial institutions sector, unavailability of halal certification bodies are gaining international legitimacy. ; Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji potensi, peluang, dan tantagan perdagangan antara Indonesia dengan negara-negara di kawasan timur tengah. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif dengan menggunakan metode deskriptif. Data yang digunkan adalah data sekunder yang diambil dari lembaga-lembaga terkait, antara lain: Disperindag, Kadin, Badan Pusat Statistik, dan dari dokumen-dokumen yang terkait lainnya. Pada penelitian ini ditemukan berbagai potensi, peluang, dan tantangan perdagangan antara Indonesia dengan Negara-negara di kawasan timur tengah, yaitu: 1) potensi, antara lain: produk-produk yang dihasilkan di Indonesia cenderung berbeda dengan produk yang dihasilkan di negara-negara kawasan timur tengah, Pertumbuhan ekonomi di negara-negara timur tengah relatif stabil. Indonesia memilikin komoditi ekspor yang cukup beragam, daya saing produk Indonesia cukup tinggi, dan pertumbuhan modal asing di negara-negara timur tengah cenderung meningkat. 2) peluang, antara lain: Adanya perubahan kebijakan ekonomi di yang berorientasi pada ekonomi pasar, hubungan diplomasi bilateral antara Indonesia dengan negara-negara di timur tengah telah terjalin dengan baik, persamaan keyakinan, adanya wacana akan dilakukannya perdangan perdagangan bebas antara Indonesia dengan Maroko dan Turki. 3) tantangan, antara lain: Jarak yang panjang, tarif bea masuk yang tinggi, iklim politik yang kurang stabil, terbtasnya dukungan dari sektor lembaga keuangan, belum tersedianya lembaga sertifikasi halal yang mendapatkan legitimasi secara internasional.

Разразившаяся на Украине гражданская война является крайним проявлением делегитимации режима Порошенко на востоке страны и его низкой легитимности на подконтрольной Киеву территории. Среди ключевых предпосылок этого выделяются социально-политическая разобщенность населения Украины, разнонаправленность векторов экономического развития ее западных и восточных регионов, особенности геополитического положения, провальная политика руководства страны и мощное воздействие на легитимационные процессы из-за рубежа. Иностранное вмешательство во внутриукраинские дела составная часть очередной фазы исторического противостояния сверхдержав, в которой Запад намеренно оказывает все возрастающее давление на Россию. Ставка на Украину сделана англосаксами по ряду стратегически обоснованных причин: этническая и конфессиональная общность украинцев с российской нацией, роль Киева как ключевого энерготранспортного узла между Российской Федерацией и Европой, выгодное военно-стратегическое положение страны в контексте ограничения оборонительного потенциала России.В качестве практического вывода автор указывает на необходимость активизации Москвой дипломатии, поддержки пророссийски настроенных элит в странах СНГ и политики «мягкой силы» на постсоветском пространстве в целях формирования стабильного и безопасного геополитического окружения. Отмечаются также и элементы схожести многих социально-экономических и политических проблем на Украине с трудностями в России. В связи с этим обосновывается призыв к повышению суверенности и устойчивости российской легитимационной модели системными методами. ; The ongoing civil war in Ukraine nowadays represents an extreme display of the delegitimation of Poroshenko's regime at the east of the country and its low legitimacy level over the territories controlled by Kiev. Among the key preconditions of this situation one can highlight social and political disintegrity of the ukrainians, rectified directions of the economic development of the west and east regions, peculiarities of the geopolitical position of Ukraine, governing failure and significant influence on the legitimacy process from abroad. Foreign intervention into the internal Ukrainian affairs is the component of another phase of the historical confrontation of the superstates, within which West exercises increasing pressure on Russia. The Anglo-Saxon target the Ukraine for several strategic reasons: ethnic and confessional proximity of the Ukrainians and the Russians, role of Kiev as the energy hub between Russia and Europe, favorable military strategic location of the country in frame if the limitation of Russian defensive capacity.As a practical conclusion the author highlights a necessity of the activation by Moscow its diplomacy, support to the pro-Russian elites in the CIS countries and improvement of the «soft power» within the post-soviet area to maintain a safe and stable geopolitical encirclement. One indicates as well the elements of the resemblance of the social, economic and political troubles in the Ukraine and our own difficulties. In view of this one justifies need of strengthening the sovereign and stable legitimacy model in Russia with the system methods.

В статье приводятся результаты исследования, показывающего, что на статус основополагающего документа в сфере внешней культурной политики России после 2013 г. могут претендовать по меньшей мере шесть различных актов. Делается вывод о том, что основой концепции внешней культурной политики Российской Федерации, формирующей текущую повестку дня, стоит признать подпрограмму «Осуществление деятельности в сферах международного гуманитарного сотрудничества и содействия международному развитию» государственной программы «Внешнеполитическая деятельность», стратегическими направлениями которой являются расширение сети и модернизация российских центров науки и культуры за рубежом, продвижение российских науки, культуры и образования в зарубежных странах, распространение и укрепление позиций русского языка в мире, поддержка соотечественников, проживающих за рубежом, развитие публичной дипломатии, научных, образовательных, культурных, экономических, информационных и иных гуманитарных связей с государственными и негосударственными структурами государств участников Содружества Независимых Государств, других иностранных государств, с международными и региональными организациями, развитие международных связей субъектов Российской Федерации, муниципальных образований, развитие региональной и субрегиональной интеграции, укрепление общего гуманитарного пространства Содружества Независимых Государств, содействие реализации Концепции государственной политики Российской Федерации в содействии международному развитию, участие в разработке, осуществлении и информационно-аналитическом мониторинге политики укрепления объективного восприятия и культурно-гуманитарного присутствия в мире современной России. Библиогр. 34 назв. ; The article presents the results of a study indicating that at least six different documents can claim the status of a fundamental document in the field of foreign cultural policy of Russia after 2013. It is concluded that we have to consider as the basis of the concept of foreign cultural policy of the Russian Federation, forming the current agenda, the subroutine "Implementation of activities in the fields of international humanitarian cooperation and international development assistance" of the State program "Foreign policy activity", the strategic directions of which are network expansion and modernization of Russian centers of science and culture abroad, promotion of Russian science, culture and education in foreign countries, dissemination and strengthening the position of the Russian language in the world, support of compatriots living abroad, the development of public diplomacy, scientific, educational, cultural, economic, informational and other humanitarian relations with governmental and private organizations of the Commonwealth of Independent States and other foreign countries, international and regional organizations, development of international relations of subjects of the Russian Federation and municipalities, development of regional and sub-regional integration, the strengthening of the common humanitarian space of the Commonwealth of Independent States, facilitating the implementation of the Concept of State Policy of the Russian Federation in international development assistance, participation in the development, implementation and information-analytical monitoring of the policy of strengthening the objective perception of modern Russia, its cultural and humanitarian presence in the world. Refs 34.

В статье рассмотрены особенности формирования и реализации внешней политики и основные характеристики международного имиджа современного Габона. Показано, что внешняя политика является важным направлением в государственной деятельности Габона и предусматривает широкое информирование международной общественности о реализуемых проектах социально-экономического развития, достижениях в сфере культуры и науки, инициативном позиционировании страны по ключевым международным вопросам. Внешнеполитическая деятельность направлена на создание благоприятных условий для реализации исторического выбора народа Габона для укрепления верховенства закона, демократического общества, рыночной экономики с фокусом на социальном измерении. Внешняя политика Габонской Республики рассмотрена во взаимосвязи с задачами развития страны, определенными в Стратегическом плане «Процветающий Габон». Особое внимание уделено рассмотрению роли Президента страны в процессе принятия внешнеполитических решений и рассмотрены перспективные направления развития внешней политики Габона. Подчеркнуто ключевое значение принципов обеспечения суверенитета и международной включенности, влияния фактора французского языка и политики многосторонней дипломатии при определении целей и приоритетов внешней политики Габона в эпоху новых международных реалий. Отмечено, что внешнеполитическая деятельность Габона нацелена на создание широкого круга международного партнерства в интересах национального развития в условиях глобализации. ; The article considers the features of formation and realization of foreign policy and the basic characteristics of the international image of modern Gabon are considered. It is shown, that the foreign policy is the important direction in the state activity of Gabon and is intended to offer the General public all over the world complete and reliable information on the situation in the country on key international issues, activities and initiatives of Gabon in the field of political space and the processes and projects of socio-economic development, its cultural and scientific achievements. Foreign policy activity is aimed at creating favorable conditions for the realization of the historic choice of the Gabonese people to strengthen the rule of law, market economy and democratic society, to focus on the social dimension. Нerewith this article analyzes the main provisions of the foreign policy of the Gabonese Republic, considered in conjunction with the country''s development objectives defined in the strategic plan "A prosperous Gabon". Particular attention is paid to the role of the President in making foreign policy decisions and ideas about the prospects for the development of Gabon''s foreign policy. Key value of principles of maintenance of the sovereignty and the international inclusiveness, influence of the factor of the French language and policy of multilateral diplomacy is underlined at definition of objectives and priorities of foreign policy of Gabon during an epoch of new international realities. It is noted, that foreign policy activity of Gabon is aimed at creation a wide range of the international partnership in interests of national development in in the context of globalization.

ITALIANO: La dominazione di Filippo Maria Visconti in Lombardia (1412-1447) fu il risultato di un tentativo, solo parzialmente riuscito, di ricomporre i vasti territori già dominati dal primo duca, Giangaleazzo Visconti. Per trentacinque anni, il terzo duca di Milano governò uno stato ampio, ricco e prospero, ne rafforzò le istituzioni, coltivò alte ambizioni monarchiche e proclamò idee di pace, di concordia e di giustizia. L'uso delle armi e della diplomazia e il serrato confronto con gli attori politici, sociali ed economici del dominio furono gli strumenti adottati per rafforzare e consolidare il dominio ducale. Gli autori di questo volume illustrano i modelli politici sottostanti all'esercizio dell'autorità del duca, i modi di relazione che si stabilirono tra autorità e sudditi, la costruzione dell'apparato simbolico e ideologico, la committenza artistica del principe, la politica ecclesiastica e le vicende religiose del ducato sullo sfondo dei concili di Costanza e Basilea. Sono inoltre analizzati alcuni specifici momenti della politica ducale: gli atti di dedizione del 1412, l'assetto geopolitico fissato nel 1435 dopo la vittoria di Ponza, la crisi degli ultimi anni del ducato caratterizzata dalla spietata esecutività delle pratiche di governo. Il libro, in definitiva, vuole offrire una visione più approfondita e problematica della dominazione del terzo duca di Milano, che nei suoi chiaroscuri risulta essere un momento importante della stabilizzazione degli assetti dello stato regionale lombardo. / ENGLISH: Filippo Maria Visconti's lombard domination (1442-1447) was the issue of an attempt, only partially achieved, of restoring the extended territorial State built by the first duke of Milan, Giangaleazzo Visconti. For 35 years, Filippo Maria – the third duke of Milan – ruled over a wide, rich and prosperous State, strenghten its institutions, cultivate high political ambitions and proclaimed elevated ideas of peace, faith and justice. The use either of weapons and diplomacy and the close dialog with the social and economic actors, were the instruments for strenghten and stabilize the ducal rule. The authors of this volume describe the political models informing the ducal authority, the relations between prince and subjects, the building of symbols and ideological values, the princely art patronage, the ecclesiastical politics at the time of the Basel-Costance conciles. Furthermore, the book deal with some specific moments of the ducal politics: the oaths of loyalty of 1412, the geopolitical assets fixed after the victory of Ponza (1435), the last years when a practice of coercion and a fierce exercise of power was dictated. This book, ultimately, aims to offer a more deep and problematic vision of this domination which, with his contrasts and contradictions, represents an important step for the stabilisation of the new regional State's assets and purposes.

The Cold War is not over in Northeast Asia. Over the past 50 years, the Republic of Korea (ROK), the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) and their respective allies have confronted each other along the De-Militarized Zone that separates the Korean Peninsula. And in a bid to remedy its strategic weakness, the DPRK has developed nuclear weapons capabilities. What's more, these nuclear weapons have been used to create regional instability. And the consequences of instability can be harmful for Australia. Northeast Asia is home to three of Australia's main trade partners, Japan, China, and South Korea. Also, any conflict in Northeast Asia involves Australia's main security partner, the US. US diplomacy has not brought about the dismantlement of Pyongyang's nuclear weapons program. The DPRK's nuclear weapons programs have continued unabated. Except that they had to remain covert. It was only China's pressure that moved the nuclear disarmament process forwards. In the 13 February and 3 October 2007 Joint Statements, North Korea pledged to freeze and dismantle its nuclear weapons program. And in between these agreements North Korea shut down its Yongbyon nuclear reactor. These developments can be seen as encouraging signs in the nuclear disarmament process. Even so, economic and military developments in North Korea since the end of the Cold War indicate that expecting unilateral disarmament and dismantlement is unrealistic. The survival of the North Korean state is heavily dependent on its ability to present a credible nuclear threat. A credible nuclear threat increases deterrence against foreign aggression, masks North Korea's conventional strategic weakness, increases leverage in negotiating foreign aid and demonstrates technological know-how to potential clients. And securing foreign sources of income keeps local elites satisfied and ensures relative stability. Moreover, a comparison of the North Korean nuclear weapons program to those of Libya and Pakistan shows that the DPRK has two other main reasons to maintain nuclear weapons capabilities. The threat of a superior adversary has discarded any other economic or social considerations as deterrence and defence have become a main priority. Moreover, economically speaking, North Korea has more to gain from its nuclear weapons than it has to loose. If Pyongyang gives up its nuclear weapons program, it will be left with no alternative source of revenue. Therefore, we recommend policy steps aiming at changing the DPRK's cost­ benefit analysis of maintaining their nuclear weapons programs. Here, the main policy step is to pledge a long term commitment to economic engagement beyond the dismantlement of North Korea's nuclear weapons programs. At the same time, the threat of economic sanctions needs to be maintained in order to ensure reciprocity in North Korean compliance with any agreements.

Throughout history, positive relationships of powerful states have proven to be of the utmost importance for maintaining stability. In 21st century Europe, one relationship that has particular resonance on the affairs of the continent is that between the Federal Republic of Germany and the Russian Federation. Both of these states are very influential, economically and politically, towards each other and the continent at large. Germany and Russia have both only existed in their current political forms since the end of the Cold War, when Germany was reunited and Russia rose from the ashes of the USSR. Since then, Germany has been a central player in European integration and the EU, while Russia struggled to develop a new orientation without the ideological foundation of communism. In this new post-Cold War environment, Russia and Germany developed a close bilateral partnership. The Ukrainian Crisis, beginning in November 2013 with protests against then-President Yanukovych, proved to be a watershed moment for the development of these ties. As Ukraine convulsed between different presidents and war escalated in the industrial Donbas region, Germany and Russia found themselves in the position of being on opposite sides of the growing geopolitical divide. By analyzing a variety of sources, from a UK parliamentary report released in February 2015 to expert opinions in publications such as the Economist and Foreign Affairs, a picture emerges of the causes and consequences of the conflict for Russo-German relations. The Ukrainian crisis did not emerge from a vacuum but was rather the culmination of long-term issues within the wider context of EU eastward expansion and NATO empowerment in places such as Kosovo. As could be seen in Russian rhetoric, such as President Putin's October 2014 speech at the Valdai Club in Sochi, Russian feelings of grievance and marginalization were primarily directed at what they regarded as Western unipolarity. However, the chief antagonist in this mindset was not Germany, but the United States. As such Germany has maintained throughout the crisis a privileged diplomatic relationship with the Kremlin. Although there has been noticeable fallout to Russo-German economic ties, with German exports to Russia declining 26 % between August 2013 and August 2014, the Minsk II agreement in February 2015 highlighted the unparalleled access that Chancellor Merkel continues to wield with the Kremlin. This continued diplomacy shows that ultimate resolution of the crisis will likely hinge on the ability of Germany and Russia to work together towards a political compromise. In the wake of the Ukrainian Crisis, the unique bilateral ties between Germany and Russia should be considered more important than ever.

Zwanzig Jahre sind vergangen seitdem der Internationale Gerichtshof sein umstrittenes Gutachten über die Androhung und den Einsatz von Atomwaffen veröffentlicht hat und es ist fraglich, ob die eher unklaren Schlussfolgerungen des Gerichtshofs angesichts aktueller Rechtsprechung und der ständigen Entwicklung neuer Normen heute noch aufrechterhalten werden können. In Bezug auf nukleare Abrüstung bleibt Artikel VI des Atomwaffen-Sperrvertrages die einzige rechtlich bindende, universelle Abrüstungsverpflichtung und seine Auslegung ist weiterhin umstritten. Unter diesen Umständen beginnen zahlreiche Staaten und zivilgesellschaftliche Organisationen die Effektivität es Sperrvertrages zu hinterfragen und fordern Verhandlungen über eine Nuklearwaffenkonvention. Diese Arbeit bietet zunächst einen kurzen geschichtlichen Überblick über die diplomatischen Abrüstungsbemühungen und Regulierung von Atomwaffen seit 1945. Anschließend wird versucht, die Legalität von Atomwaffen unter den relevanten internationalen Rechtsbereichen zu analysieren. Dabei wird das IGH Gutachten kritisch hinterfragt und versucht etwaige Rechtslücken für einen völkerrechtskonformen Atomwaffeneinsatz aufzuzeigen. Anschließend wird die rechtliche Bedeutung von Artikel VI des Sperrvertrages analysiert und erläutert, ob die in ihm enthaltenen Abrüstungsverpflichtungen einen ausreichenden rechtlichen Rahmen für eine atomwaffenfreie Welt bilden. Das abschließende Kapitel beschäftigt sich anschließend mit der Frage, wie verbleibende rechtliche Lücken geschlossen und ein neuer Rechtsrahmen für Atomwaffen entwickelt werden könnte. ; Twenty years have passed since the International Court of Justice has issued its controversial advisory opinion on the threat or use of nuclear weapons and it is questionable whether the courts rather ambiguous reasoning would still be applicable today. With the rapid development of new norms and twenty years of new case law it might proof difficult to uphold the courts conclusions. With regard to disarmament, Art VI of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) is still the only legally binding, universal nuclear disarmament clause and its exact content remains subject to various disputes. Under these circumstances, many states and civil society initiatives question the effectiveness of Art VI and the NPT as such and call for negotiations of a comprehensive nuclear weapon convention to begin. After a short historical overview on nuclear diplomacy and the respective developments in international law, this thesis tries to analyze the current situation of the legality of nuclear weapons. It will critically reflect on the ICJs advisory opinion while trying to identify remaining legal gaps for a lawful use. Since the question of the legality of nuclear weapons is inherently linked with nuclear disarmament, the subsequent chapter will focus on the obligations set forth in Art VI of the NPT, which constitutes the cornerstone of the modern nuclear disarmament regime. It will try to assess whether Art VI contains substantive disarmament obligations and whether this legal framework is sufficient for the achievement of comprehensive nuclear disarmament in the future. Again, the thesis tries to critically reflect on the ICJs interpretation of Art VI. The final chapter will then try to identify ways to address the remaining legal gaps and tries to establish how a comprehensive legal framework for the prohibition and complete disarmament of nuclear weapons could be developed. ; vorgelegt von: Hannes Jöbstl ; Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb., 2015 ; (VLID)782100

For decades, several countries including The United States, Russia, the United Kingdom, France, China, Pakistan, North Korea, and Israel have been able to manage the possession of nuclear weapons, but the mere thought of a potential nuclear armed Iran has raised an enormous security concern in the international community because of the devastating consequences that this would cause not just for the Middle East region, but for the entire international community. As much as the international community has agreed on preventing a nuclear armed Iran, the high level of controversy in the international community regarding what policy tool is most appropriate in actualising this objective has divided pundits and foreign policy experts along three main policy lines; sanctions, military intervention and diplomacy. With a benefit-cost analysis and an evaluation of the effectiveness of the respective foreign policy options available in preventing a nuclear armed Iran, this research hope to ascertain the most effective and less costly policy option in preventing a nuclear armed Iran. In pursuit of this objective, this research is divided into five chapters; chapter one covers the introduction of the subject in focus. Chapter two entails the literature review, conceptualization and theoretical framework. An overview of the Iranian nuclear crisis is provided in chapter three. Chapter four coves a benefit-cost analysis and an evaluation of the effectiveness of all three options. Chapter five is the summary, recommendation and conclusion.Öz:Yüzyıllar boyu Amerika, Rusya , Birleşik Krallık, Fransa, Çin, Pakistan, Kuzey Kore ve İsrail gibi birçok ülke sahip oldukları nükleer silahları idare etmeyi başarabildiler, ancak İran"ın nükleer bir güce sahip olma düşüncesi bile sadece Orta Doğu bölgesinde değil, bütün uluslararası toplumda yıkıcı sonuçlara sebep verebilme ihtimali bile uluslararası toplum için ciddi bir güvenlik endişesinin oluşumuna sebep verir.Uluslararası toplum her ne kadar nükleer güce sahip bir İran"ın oluşumunu engellemekte karar kılmış olsa da, bunu hayata geçirmek için hangi politik yönün izleneceği konusunda uluslararası toplumun büyük orandaki anlaşmazlığı uzmanları ve dış politika uzmanlarını üç ana politik alana yönlendirdi; müeyyide,askeri müdahale ve diplomasi. Bu araştırma elde olan karlılık analizi ve her bir dış politika seçeneklerinin geçerlilik tespiti ile nükleer güce sahip bir İranın engellenmesinde en etkili ve en uygun bütceli seçeneğin hangisi olduğunu belirlemeyi amaçlar. Bu amaç arayışında araştırma beş bölüme ayrılır; birinci bölüm konuya girişi kapsar. İkinci bölüm konuyu literatür inceleme, kavramsallaştırma ve teorik çerçevede irdeler. Üçüncü bölüm ise İran"ın nükleer krizine bir genel bakış sunar. Dördüncü bölüm tüm üç seçeneğin karlılık analizi ve geçerlilik tespitini kapsar. Beşinci bölüm ise özet, öneri ve sonuçtan oluşur. ; Master of Arts in International Relations. Thesis (M.A.)--Eastern Mediterranean University, Faculty of Business and Economics, Dept. of International Relations, 2015. Supervisor: Assist. Prof. Dr. John Turner.

The Holy See and the main problems of the United Nations during the course of John Paul II's pontificate
The subject of the Holy See and the problems of the United Nations during the course of John Paul II's pontificate is quite broad. It involves the period of twenty years which were rich in many events and political and social changes around the whole world. In this period the Holy See maintained its presence in the international community with the status of an observer at the forum of the UN. The diplomatic representation of the Holy See in the UN is based on the social teaching of the Church. John Paul II conceived of this teaching as a great system of concentric circles: a system whose first element is the human person and the final one – the globalized world. Due to this fact, the Catholic social teaching elaborated the concept of the principle of auxiliarity as an antidote for the period of dictatorships and regimes. The other foundation of human safety is the principle of solidarity. This principle was a peculiar feature of John Paul II who lived thirty years of his life in a country ruled by a communist regime. He was chosen as the pope in an extraordinary moment of history when international security was a much-discussed subject. The UN and the international community saw the foundations of this security in the principle of collaboration and non-interference, and John Paul II contributed to the elaboration of this concept by emphasizing the security of the individual and of the society. In 1969 the Vatican accepted an invitation from the countries of the Warsaw Pact to take part in the Helsinki Conference. The main concept of this conference was straightforward – security consists in the balance of power. The Holy See had a different concept of security, one that emphasized instead the common good of the community, the community to which the usage of force always brings destruction. These activities later influenced humanitarian actions, vigorously supported by the Vatican. John Paul II's contribution to the contemplation of human rights is immense. He was true to his belief about the existence of such values and rules that are not negotiable. Their range and applicability cannot depend upon the will of the majority or pressure groups. The Holy See maintains clear and precise concept of the human person who may never be divorced from transcendence – from God. According to John Paul II and the Vatican the human person was and continues to be the point of reference expressed in views and actions, visible in diplomacy. The clear concept of man is maintained in order to facilitate an answer to the question where we come from and where we are headed.

Стаття присвячена розкриттю значення та впливу "палестинського питання" на англо-американську дипломатію в повоєнний час (1945-1948 рр.). Зазначається, що ця проблема була основною причиною погіршення англо-американських відносин на Близькому Сході в 1945-1948 рр. і стала предметом торгу між сторонами на світовій політичній арені. ; The paper reviews the 'Palestinian issue' in Anglo-American diplomacy after the end of World War II (1945-1948). The author examines activities of the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry on Palestine and reveals the nature of Anglo-American controversy as to the Palestinian issue for the purpose.The operation of the above Committee resulted in identification of principles of the future structure of Palestine, which implied equitable coexistence of the Arabs and the Jews within one territory controlled by Great Britain, with two autonomous provinces to be subsequently set up under the control of the High Commissioner of Palestine. Since neither the principles developed by the Committee nor the follow-up plans on settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict were never implemented due to sharp criticism of both countries participating in the settlement, resolution of the Palestinian issue was referred to the competence of the UNO in1947. Anew Commission was set up, which comprised representatives of neutral states, who put forward a so-called 'plan of the majority' (which implied a partition of Palestine, based on setting up an Economic Union and turning Jerusalem into an international zone) and a 'plan of the minority' (a federal structure of Palestine, with its capital in Jerusalem, in a plan of three year transition period).The paper examines the political confrontation of the USA and Great Britain as to those plans, which came to an end in November 1947 when the UNO adopted a resolution on the rights of both peoples who lived in Palestine to set up two independent states.By pointing out the complexity and contradictoriness of the Palestine issue in the Anglo-American relations, the author concludes that a constant cause of the split-up between the USA and Great Britain was the loss by London of a decisive role in the global balance of military and political forces. Further, in pursuing their pragmatic objectives, both countries themselves often provoked large-scale Arab-Israeli conflicts, thus departing far from the official goal of their 'settlement'. ; Статья посвящена раскрытию значения и влияния "палестинского вопроса" на англо-американскую дипломатию в послевоенное время (1945-1948 гг.). Указывается, что данная проблема была основной причиной ухудшения англо-американских отношений на Ближнем Востоке в 1945-1948 годах и стала предметом торга между сторонами на мировой политической арене.

В статье рассматривается комплекс причин, обусловивших постепенное ухудшение советско-шведских отношений в конце 1940-х начале 1950-х гг. Краткий период потепления в двусторонних отношениях (1945-1946 гг.), обусловленный, прежде всего, политикой «наведения мостов» социал-демократического правительства Швеции, сменился продолжительным периодом охлаждения. Резкую реакцию Москвы вызывали позиция шведской делегации в ООН по ряду острых международных проблем (в том числе инициатива Швеции, обращенная к членам Совета безопасности, отказаться от своего права вето в процессе мирного разрешения споров), отношение Швеции к переговорам о создании НАТО, к «плану Маршалла» и «плану Шумана», ее инициатива с созданием нейтрального Скандинавского оборонительного союза, непризнание установленных Советским Союзом в Балтийском море расширенных границ территориальных вод, отношение кабинета Таге Эрландера к создаваемой системе контроля за экспортом товаров двойного назначения (CoCom) и поддержка им эстонской и латвийской диаспор. Основной тезис советских аналитических материалов в рассматриваемый период сводился к тому, что правительство Швеции проводит враждебную Советскому Союзу политику, подготавливая страну к возможной войне с ним на стороне Запада, хотя и заверяет в неизменном следовании политике прежней нейтралитета. При этом в Москве сознавали, что не располагают каким-либо арсеналом средств, способным повлиять на внешнеполитический курс шведского правительства, и в силу этого вынуждены лишь учитывать реальность и исходить из нее. ; The article considers the complex of objective reasons behind the deterioration of Soviet-Swedish relations in the late 1940s early 1950s. A brief "thaw" in Soviet-Swedish relations in 1945-1946, due largely to the Swedish government's policy of "building bridges," was followed by a long period of increasing tensions. The basic contradictions were generated by the position of the Swedish delegation to the UN on a number of international issues (for example, the call for members of the Security Council not to exercise their veto power when considering the peaceful resolution of disputes); the attitude of the Swedish government toward negotiations on the establishment of NATO, the "Marshall Plan" and the "Schuman Plan," the Stockholm initiative on the creation of a neutral Scandinavian Defense Union, and the Swedish side's rejection of expanded Soviet water boundaries in the Baltic sea; and the attitude of Tage Erlander's cabinet to the system of export controls on dual-use goods (CoCom) and its support of the Estonian and Latvian diaspora in Sweden. The main thesis of this treatment of Soviet analytical materials from the late 1940s early 1950s is the assertion that the Swedish government was hostile to Soviet policy, despite claims of neutrality ("the formal mask of 'neutrality' slips off the face of the Swedish rulers"). But if those in Moscow were aware that the changes affecting Sweden's foreign policy, they were powerless to change Swedish diplomacy and instead focused on identifying the new issues and adapting to them.

Опыт зарубежных стран демонстрирует многообразие подходов и форм реализации политики «мягкой силы». В этом контексте актуальной задачей является выделение лучших практик, которые могут составить основу политики любой страны, поиск ключевых инструментов, обеспечивающих стабильность и последовательность политики, и интегрирующих элементов, позволяющих координировать действия страны и обеспечивать взаимодополнение различных направлений.В статье представлен анализ оптимальных инструментов нескольких направлений политики «мягкой силы». Авторы опираются на результаты исследования, проведенного в 2013 г. Национальным исследовательским университетом «Высшая школа экономики». В рамках работы был проанализирован опыт Китая, США, Германии, Великобритании, ЕС. С помощью метода экспертных оценок были выделены инструменты, обеспечивающие наибольшее влияние страны-субъекта, и оптимальные с точки зрения возможности их применения в различных социально-экономических и политических условиях. В ходе исследования рассматривались зарубежные практики «мягкой силы» по пяти направлениям: 1) культура и продвижение языка; 2) сотрудничество в области образования, науки и техники; 3) развитие деловых связей; 4) развитие общественной дипломатии; 5) содействие международному развитию.Выделенные оптимальные инструменты реализации политики «мягкой силы» были структурированы в систему взаимосвязанных между собой форм организации работы по основным направлениям или «кластерам влияния». Центром устойчивости каждого «кластера» является деятельность одного или нескольких институтов. Целостность структуры обеспечивают такие связующие элементы, как нормативно-правовая база, ресурсное обеспечение, механизмы координации, специальные визовые режимы, коммуникации и PR-стратегия. ; Foreign policy uses a wide range of soft power policy instruments and models. It is thus useful to identify the best practices, key tools and approaches that ensure the sustainability and coherence of policy, as well as the connecting elements that allow a country to coordinate its foreign policy actions. This article analyzes the experience of China, the United States, Germany, the United Kingdom and the European Union in five areas: the promotion of language and culture; cooperation in the fields of education, science and technology; business relations; public diplomacy; and official development cooperation. The article is based on the expert survey conducted by National Research University Higher School of Economics in December 2013. The sample includes experts of the international relations engaged in Russian foreign affairs, as well as development cooperation. The results of the expert survey allowed to identify the tools ensuring the most impact and best application of soft power in various socioeconomic and political conditions. The identified tools are structured into a system of interconnected organizational forms with five areas or clusters of influence. Key institutions acting in the five areas constitute the centres of sustainability of the respective clusters. Structural cohesion is ensured by connecting elements such as regulatory frameworks, resources, coordination mechanisms, visa regimes, and communication and public relations.

"Theorists of international relations have laid out two elegant scenarios for the future of Western liberal order. A positive one where rising powers such as China are welcomed into existing institutions and eventually socialized into upholding liberal norms. And a negative one where liberal powers fail to adapt and the new pretenders seek to overturn the order and develop competing institutions. But as China and America face of in the messy reality of the international system, it is becoming increasingly clear that neither is likely to take shape. Seen from Beijing, there was never a binary choice between joining the institutions of the Western liberal order and developing parallel ones in China's image. The Chinese leadership has pursued a carefully calibrated strategy of joining universal institutions, seeking to minimize the constraints they would put an China and developing China-led institutions that exclude the West. Until recently Western states put more effort into reforming and bolstering the universal institutions that they created and only acted outside them in extremis. But faced with gridlocked global institutions, they are increasingly mirroring China's by-pass diplomacy and creating new groupings outside of the universal institutions. In the new order that is taking shape, universal institutions will continue to exist but they are increasingly seen as a transactional space rather than as a blue-print for global government. Most of the energy in the global system is going into a new generation of institutions forged by states with similar levels of development and similar histories. You can think of it as the rise of 'similateralism' - international organisations whose members have flocked together because of similar histories, incomes and levels of development. Rising powers joined Western-led institutions, but regard them with suspicion and work together in a series of 'post-colonial friendship' associations. The established powers - on the other hand - are disconcerted by their loss of control over the universal institutions and are increasingly flocking together into new communities of similar countries. This is creating a new Liberal archipelago of organisations - from the European Union to NATO and the TTIP - that enshrine the principles of the liberal order in new ways. Proponents of this approach argue that, if successful, these similateral institutions are simply a stepping-stone to universal ones. If they are successful, they will incentivize China and other rising powers to join them. But critics are more likely to see these institutions hollowing out the universal order. It is true that some of the dynamics resemble the self-segregation of advanced societies where - with the onset of universal institutions - the wealthy and the privileged have retreated into their own schools, hospitals and gated communities." (author's abstract)

Стаття присвячена розкриттю значення та впливу "палестинського питання" на англо-американську дипломатію в повоєнний час (1945-1948 рр.). Зазначається, що ця проблема була основною причиною погіршення англо-американських відносин на Близькому Сході в 1945-1948 рр. і стала предметом торгу між сторонами на світовій політичній арені. ; The paper reviews the 'Palestinian issue' in Anglo-American diplomacy after the end of World War II (1945-1948). The author examines activities of the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry on Palestine and reveals the nature of Anglo-American controversy as to the Palestinian issue for the purpose.The operation of the above Committee resulted in identification of principles of the future structure of Palestine, which implied equitable coexistence of the Arabs and the Jews within one territory controlled by Great Britain, with two autonomous provinces to be subsequently set up under the control of the High Commissioner of Palestine. Since neither the principles developed by the Committee nor the follow-up plans on settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict were never implemented due to sharp criticism of both countries participating in the settlement, resolution of the Palestinian issue was referred to the competence of the UNO in1947. Anew Commission was set up, which comprised representatives of neutral states, who put forward a so-called 'plan of the majority' (which implied a partition of Palestine, based on setting up an Economic Union and turning Jerusalem into an international zone) and a 'plan of the minority' (a federal structure of Palestine, with its capital in Jerusalem, in a plan of three year transition period).The paper examines the political confrontation of the USA and Great Britain as to those plans, which came to an end in November 1947 when the UNO adopted a resolution on the rights of both peoples who lived in Palestine to set up two independent states.By pointing out the complexity and contradictoriness of the Palestine issue in the Anglo-American relations, the author concludes that a constant cause of the split-up between the USA and Great Britain was the loss by London of a decisive role in the global balance of military and political forces. Further, in pursuing their pragmatic objectives, both countries themselves often provoked large-scale Arab-Israeli conflicts, thus departing far from the official goal of their 'settlement'. ; Статья посвящена раскрытию значения и влияния "палестинского вопроса" на англо-американскую дипломатию в послевоенное время (1945-1948 гг.). Указывается, что данная проблема была основной причиной ухудшения англо-американских отношений на Ближнем Востоке в 1945-1948 годах и стала предметом торга между сторонами на мировой политической арене.