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The Policy of Independence. The Background of a Crucial Phrase in Dutch Foreign Policy 1900-1940The phrase 'policy of independence' was coined by the Dutch Minister of Foreign Affairs Van Karnebeek after the First World War. It has aroused a lot of discussion ever since. The phrase is often portrayed as sign of a change from a passive policy of neutrality to a much more active foreign policy. In this article the use of the phrase and the question of continuity or discontinuity are raised. This is done first of all on the basis of some crucial episodes from the First World War and subsequently the Dutch policy towards the German emperor and crown prince, Belgium and the League of Nations. This contribution argues that throughout those years the Dutch government pursued a policy characterized by activity and adopted an attitude that adhered to international law. Even before 1914 this approach was referred to as 'independent'. Thereafter, Van Karnebeek coined the phrase 'policy of independence' to give expression to this prevailing attitude.

J.C.H. Blom, P. Romijn, Srebrenica, een 'veilig' gebied. Reconstructie, achtergronden, gevolgen en analyses van de val van een Safe Area, I, II, III, Bootsma, P., ed. D.C.L. Schoonoord, Dutchbat III en de bevolking. Medische aangelegenheden. Bevoorrading door de lucht C. Wiebes, Intelligence en de oorlog in Bosnië, 1992-1995. De rol van de inlichtingen- en veiligheidsdiensten B. Naarden, Beeld en Balkan. Waarneming en werkelijkheid in Zuidoost-Europa G. Duijzings, Geschiedenis en herinnering in Oost-Bosnië. De achtergronden van de val van Srebrenica. Thorough and balanced? A closer look at the NIOD report, J. W. L. BrouwerThis vast report contains many interesting chapters, notably on the fall of the Srebrenica enclave and the minor political scandals that subsequently erupted in the Netherlands. Unfortunately, the report was published in such haste that editing errors abound. This does not make the reporteasy reading. Furthermore, there are a number of contradictions between the conclusions in the first part and the final conclusions. Lastly, the strong condemnation of Dutch diplomacy in 1991-1993 and, in particular, the denunciation of the Foreign Minister, Mr Van den Broek, is inconsistent with the stated intentions of the authors to refrain from making any political judgements.

Y. Kleistra, Hollen of stilstaan. Beleidsverandering bij het Nederlandse ministerie van buitenlandse zaken P.R. Baehr, M.C. Castermans-Holleman, F. Grünfeld, Human rights in the foreign policy of the Netherlands E.M. van den Berg, The influence of domestic NGOs on Dutch human rights policy. Case studies on South Africa, Namibia, Indonesia and East Timor. The role of human rights in post-1945 Dutch foreign policy: Politicological and historical literature, Maarten KuitenbrouwerThe second Dutch government under Prime Minister Kok fell in 2002 following the publication of a critical report by the Dutch Institute for Wartime Documentation (NIOD) on the Srebenica issue. This event forms the starting point for a review of the recent literature on the role of human rights in Dutch foreign policy during the last few decades in both political science and history. Both disciplines share the 'decisionmaking analysis' in international relations theory as a common background. In addition, political scientists and historians have often found themselves researching the same human rights issues that affect Dutch relations with a series of non-Western countries. An explanation of Dutch policy is usually sought based on a combination of internaland external factors. In general, comparative analyses and research into its effectiveness are still conspicuous by their absence. All in all, there are more similarities than differences between recent political and historical studies on the role of human rights in Dutch foreign policy.

"Eeuwenlang was China de onbetwiste grootmacht van Oost-Azië. Andere volkeren werden gezien als barbaars. In de Eeuw van Vernedering (1839-1949) degradeerden het Westen en Japan de natie tot een vazalstaat. Inmiddels heeft het land zijn positie als economische mogendheid herwonnen, maar hoe gaan de communistische leiders hiermee om? Voegt Peking zich naar de westerse wereldorde of wil zij de oude glorie herstellen? Kan een botsing met de Verenigde Staten worden voorkomen? 'China en de barbaren' schetst de invloed van de geschiedenis op China?s zoektocht naar een nieuwe identiteit." -- Back cover

In het geschiedenisonderwijs in Vlaanderen wordt nog al te vaak een eurocentrisch perspectief gehanteerd. Dit eurocentrisch denken stelt voorop dat de belangrijkste ontwikkelingen in de wereldgeschiedenis te vinden zijn in de evolutie van de Europese en Westerse wereld, en gebruikt het Westen als maatstaf om andere beschavingen te beoordelen. De eurocentrische blik is het resultaat van de polariserende wig die vanaf het begin van de Europese koloniale expansie werd gedreven tussen the West and the rest. Een eurocentrisch denkkader is uiterst problematisch. Het belemmert een genuanceerde historiografische blik om vanuit verschillende perspectieven historisch te denken. Daarnaast dreigt ook de onwetendheid over andere culturen de vorming van een superioriteitsgevoel over de eigen geschiedenis te bevorderen. Dit derde volume in de reeks 'Historisch denken' presenteert inhoudelijk-didactische alternatieven en toont hoe eurocentrisme kan worden overstegen. Case studies over Chinees-Westerse en Belgisch-Congolese geschiedenis maken dit concreet

A little appreciated member of the international community in 2004, Belgium has developed the previous years into a constructive diplomatic element that takes to heart its international responsibility (examples: troops in Lebanon, Afghanistan, Balkans, and an effective diplomatic intervention concerning the Democratic Republic of Congo). Responsibly for this success are called Belgian impartiality, its open ears, imagination and collaboration regarding multilateralism. Furthermore, the EU's enlargement by 10 states is discussed, the rejecting of the European Constitution by France and the Netherlands, and the strengthened position of the BENELUX within the EU. A second topic: relations with the neighboring countries France, United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Germany and Luxembourg. A last item discusses cooperation in multilateral development projects. References. O. van Zijl

An overview of Belgian policy making & implementation targeting countries of the African continent through either bilateral agreements or cooperation in projects launched by international organizations. Belgian African policy is placed in the larger geopolitical context, discussing the legacy of the Cold War, the country's historical ties with the Central African region (Zaire, Burundi, & Rwanda), & current structures & institutions available in the European Union & on the international arena (eg, the World Bank) within which the Belgian government can become effective either bilaterally or multilaterally in this part of Africa. The modernization of the ways & means through which developmental aid is dispensed in Africa is examined, considering Belgian & international initiatives & making comparisons to the traditional foci in Belgium's African policy. Five areas on which the current Belgian government concentrates on Central Africa are identified: (1) humanitarian assistance, (2) support for groups & initiatives targeting a peaceful resolution of conflicts & the enhancement of human rights in this part of the globe, (3) work on the demobilization & reintegration of former military units & ex-soldiers, (4) mobilization of donors & organizations willing to assist in securing peace in Burundi & eastern Congo (Zaire), & (5) actions on behalf of strengthening African "ownership" & diplomatic involvement in local peace initiatives. Z. Dubiel

Apart from Belgian's OSCE Presidency (Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe), two other important topics in 2006 Belgian foreign affairs were economic diplomacy and the European policy. Concerning economic diplomacy the text addresses the problems surrounding two German branches on Belgian territory: the Volkswagen assembly line and DHL. Furthermore, increased importance of economic diplomacy is a well decided approach of the current Minister for Foreign Affairs De Gucht, emphasizing that in bilateral discussions the economic aspect has to be taken into account at all times. Regarding the European policy of ongoing development of European security and defense policy (EVDB) and civic-military cooperation are addressed. Transatlantic relations have improved since 2003 (Iraq war), changing into a "agree where we can, agree to disagree where we can't" attitude, Belgium diplomatic language has lost its rougher edges, and "the glorious three", three years of Belgium presidency (OSCE 2006, UN Security Council 2007-2008) in which the country gained in expressiveness, but lost character opposite large power such as Russia, the US and China. Regarding the UN Security Council a main objective was abolishing the veto right for permanent member states. Tables, Figures, References. O. van Zijl

The question whether the Belgian foreign policy is marked by a continuity or break between the first & second turns of Guy Verhofstadt as a prime minister of this country's governments is addressed, surveying developments in the 1999-2004 period & scrutinizing the rhetorical declarations & concrete initiatives "on the ground" by the foreign minister Louis Michel. The diplomatic style of the first & second administrations are compared, & the principles & directions of Belgian foreign policy in 2004 are assessed in the context of the state of political affairs on the global arena, with special attention to the split between the EU & US on the war in Iraq, the division inside the former vis-a-vis supporting or opposing US intervention in this Middle Eastern country, & the recent troubles the EU experiences with greater degree of political integration, projecting also into a lack of coherent, uniform foreign policy on the supranational level. Some of the major issues the Belgian foreign policy must deal in 2004 & beyond are identified: securing democratic & peaceful governance in Central Africa, responding to the anti-Belgian campaign conducted by the US, & supporting the process of strengthening the EU position as a relevant actor on the geopolitical stage. Z. Dubiel