Suchergebnisse

Jedan od najdugotrajnijih sukoba u povijesti američke vanjske politike onaj je između Kube i SAD-a. Neke su američke vlade bile više sklone Kubi, dok su neke bile puno opreznije i u potpunosti nesklone bilo kakvim pregovorima. Od prekida diplomatskih odnosa iz 1961. godine SAD Kubi najviše zamjera oduzimanje imovine koju su potom kubanske vlasti nacionalizirale nakon Revolucije, što je dovelo do ekonomskog embarga na uvoz svih roba s Kube. Pozitivni pomaci u zatopljenju odnosa pojavili su se u razdoblju Carterove administracije te se nastavili u doba predsjednika Clintona. Bush Mlađi ne samo da je zadržao postojeće odnose hladnima nego ih je dodatno zahladio raznim zabranama Kubi. Obamina administracija naznačila je promjene koje su dovele do intenzivnih pregovora, pod pokroviteljstvom pape Franje, te do ponovne uspostave diplomatskih odnosa između te dvije zemlje. ; One of the longest lasting conflicts in the history of the United States foreign policy is the one with Cuba. Some US governments were more inclined to Cuba, while others were more cautious or even unwilling to engage in any negotiations. Since suspension of diplomatic relations in 1961, one of the most important objections of the United States was against expropriation and nationalisation of property after the evolution, which resulted in economic embargo on all imports from Cuba. Positive moves in direction of warming of relations appeared during carter administration, and continued during Pre-sident Clinton. Bush Jr. made existing relations even colder by imposing on Cuba additional restrictions. Obama's administration has introduced changes which resulted in intensive negotiations under the patronage of Pope Francis, and which led to reestablishment of diplomatic relations between the two co-untries.

The author analyzes the future prospects of diplomatic service in the era of globalization. In his analysis, he draws from the German experience & the book Wem dient der auswartige Dienst? The author claims that foreign policy is determined by economic issues so it is pointless to separate the security/political & the economic/political aspects & competences of a government. The same applies to diplomatic corps: they cannot be exempted from economic tasks. Heads of diplomatic offices today have to be partners regarding economic topics when discussing politics & economy of the host country. Concerning the role of nongovernmental organizations, the author thinks that they cannot replace the state & its civil servants. For communicating with them, foreign service needs "generalists" more than "specialists." The key value of the future foreign service includes an overall review of the bilateral relations with the host country; this envisages that diplomats are to retain their central role in the networking of various actors & areas. Besides the legal/consular, economic, cultural & security/political tasks, diplomatic offices regularly maintain contacts & cooperate with the host country in specialized fields such as defense, science, social issues, & agriculture. 16 References. Adapted from the source document.

Foreign policy & diplomatic skills played a key role in the survival & development of the Dubrovnik Republic for more than four & a half centuries. Throughout the period, the Dubrovnik Republic had foreign-policy sovereignty, which was manifest in the fact that it autonomously decided upon its relations with other states (including recognition of other states), signed international contracts, & established & maintained diplomatic & consular relations. Through timely awareness of the advantages of their geopolitical position & through their orientation towards the sea, the people of Dubrovnik entered into numerous international political & trade relations, both with countries in their continental background & with countries throughout, & beyond, the Mediterranean. They were able to assess & utilize such geopolitical & other relevant characteristics wisely & skillfully in the defense of their independence, sovereignty & economic growth, resorting almost exclusively to diplomatic means & diplomatic skill. The Dubrovnik foreign policy was based on the principle of remaining neutral in international conflicts & of stressing its position of the last Christian enclave in south-eastern Europe. As a small country with no military force, Dubrovnik managed to survive by seeking protection of powerful states, such as the Ugric-Croatian Kingdom, the Pope, the Spanish King and, finally, Turkey. In spite of the fact that first the Ugric-Croatian Kingdom, & then Turkey, provided it with "supreme protection," the Dubrovnik Republic succeeded in establishing & preserving for centuries all relevant components of state sovereignty. Adapted from the source document.

The article is an analysis of the metaphor of Munich Agreement in the Czech political & media discourses concerning three foreign policy issues from the last three years: the discord about the diplomatic recognition of Kosovo by the Czech Republic, the discussion of the conflict between Russia & Georgia & the issue of the US radar base in the Czech Republic. The text does not aspire to judge which usage of the analogy with Munich is correct. Instead, it works with it as a specific frame which is intended to mobilize a presupposed national "us" for a specific political agenda. The goal is to depoliticize the political discord -- to solve it by referring to a morally strong precedent & subordinate it to this precedent. Munich is used in this way by the followers of very different political camps. Using the analogy of Munich has two main modalities -- the interventionist modality (it is necessary to intervene against a dictator, not to appease him) & the sovereignist modality (it is necessary to defend the sovereignty of the state against an intervention or against aggressive demands of minorities). The former is more in accord with the use of the Munich analogy by Western politicians, while the latter corresponds more with the Czech context center. Adapted from the source document.

U radu se na temelju arhivskih izvora, stručne literature i onovremenoga tiska analizira povratak jugoslavenskih iseljenika iz Argentine i ostalih dijelova Južne Amerike u prvim godinama nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata. Prati se priprema, organizacija, brojnost, transport, dolazak, smještaj i razmještaj iseljenika u domovini. Analizira se i stručna, nacionalna i spolna pripadnost iseljenika povratnika. Posebna pozornost posvećena je odnosima dviju država, Jugoslavije i Argentine, u ovom pitanju. ; Diplomatic, consular and economic relations between the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Argentina were established on 16 September 1946. The agreement was signed by General Ljubo Ilić, chief of the Yugoslav diplomatic mission in South America, and Juan Atilion Bramuglia, Argentinian Minister of Foreign Affairs and Religion. In the first decade after World War II, the two states had some open problems and unresolved issues such as the question of commercial agreements, Yugoslav political emigration in Argentina, especially the Ustasha movement, Argentine nationalised property in Yugoslavia, visas for entering Argentina etc. Following World War II, Argentina became the country with the most emigrants of Yugoslav origin in the entire Latin America. The major part of those were Croats and Slovenes, while emigrants from Montenegro and Serbia made up a smaller proportion. The issue of Yugoslav immigrants in Argentina was of the greatest importance in the relations between two countries. In the late 1940s, the interests of Yugoslavia and Argentina in this matter were opposed. Both sides wanted to use a qualified work force for building their own country. Yugoslavia tried to recruit immigrants to come back and take part in fulfilment of the Five-Year Plan established in 1947. Argentina on the other hand, wanted to keep able-bodied people for building its own industry. The Yugoslav government sent ships for immigrants and organised housing and jobs for them upon their return. The majority of them were construction, agriculture, and textile workers. The peak of the repatriation was 1948, when 83% of Yugoslav immigrants returned from Argentina. There was another problem, and that was the different treatment of immigrants with dual citizenship, which especially referred to the children of Yugoslav immigrants who were born on Argentine soil. According the law, they were Argentine citizens, but Yugoslav authorities still thought of them as their own. According to official data, of all the people to return in Yugoslavia in the 1946–51 period, a total of 1,748 arrived from Argentina, which was 10.84% of the total number of returning Yugoslav citizens. Only France was ahead of Argentina in this period in terms of numbers of returns, with 3,914, while Canada was behind, with 1,727.

Protokol kao disciplina predstavlja skup propisanih i unaprijed utvrđenih pravila lijepog ponašanja, komunikacije i međusobnog ophođenja prilikom političkih, gospodarskih i društvenih aktivnosti države i njezinih predstavnika te drugih pravnih subjekata poput međunarodnih organizacija. Prije svega protokol predstavlja smjernice civiliziranog ponašanja u međusobnom ophođenju i komunikaciji. Protokol i poštivanje protokolarnih pravila ima dugačku i tradicijski bogatu povijest, pravilima lijepog i uljudnog ponašanja pridodavala se posebna pažnja i pozornost još od vremena organiziranja bogatih ceremonijalnih prigoda na dvorovima velikih vladara i visokih državnika. Važnost poštivanja protokolarnih pravila proizlazi iz činjenice da se poštivanjem pravila ponašanja i postupanja unaprijed utvrđenih propisima kojima se definira protokol, prije svega iskazuju poštovanje i čast prema drugim državama i njihovim predstavnicima, te ostalim međunarodnim subjektima. Protokolarna procedura i njeno strogo poštivanje jedan su od bitnijih preduvjeta za provođenje uspješne državne diplomacije. Diplomacija je disciplina putem koje se promiču interesi i moć države, o uspješnosti i vještini diplomatskog znanja ovisi rješavanje bitnih vanjskopolitičkih i međunarodnih pitanja između država. Uspješnosti diplomacije u međunarodnom okruženju između ostalog pridonosi i dobro organiziran diplomatski protokol. Diplomacija i protokol moraju biti dobro iskoordinirani i povezani kako bi u očima susjednih zemalja, Europe i svijeta stvorili pozitivnu sliku Republike Hrvatske, te na što bolji način promovirali njezine vrijednosti i prednosti. Uspješna diplomacija najbolji je promotor svoje zemlje, najbolje gradi pozitivan imidž zemlje i na taj način stvara uspješan i prepoznatljiv brand Republike Hrvatske u međunarodnom okruženju. ; Protocol as a discipline is a set of prescribed and pre-established rules of good manners, communication and mutual dealings during political, economic and social activities of the state and its representatives, and other entities such as international organizations. First of all protocol presents guidelines of civilized behavior in dealing with mutual communication. Protocol and their compliance rules has a long and traditionally rich history, rules of the beautiful and civilized behavior was placed on special care and attention from the time of organizing the rich ceremonial occasions in the mansions of great rulers and senior statesmen. The importance of complying with the protocol stems from the fact that through abiding by the rules of conduct set by regulations that define protocol, first and foremost respect and honour are shown towards other states and their representatives, as well as other international entities. Protocol procedures and its strict respect are one of the most important preconditions for successful implementation of state diplomacy.Diplomacy is a discipline through which to promote the interests and power of the state, performance and diplomatic skills depends on solving the important foreign policy and international issues between the countries. The success of diplomacy in the international environment, among other things contributes to the well-organized diplomatic protocol. Diplomacy and protocol must be well coordinated and linked to in the eyes of neighboring countries, Europe and the world so we can create a positive image of the Croatia and what better way to promote its values and benefits. Successful diplomacy is the best promoter of our country, it best builds a positive image of the country and thereby creating a successful and recognizable brand in the Croatian international environment.

Hrana kao esencijalni sastojak ljudske egzistencije oduvijek je igrala važnu ulogu u međudržavnim odnosima i diplomatskoj praksi te je bila korištena kao medij kroz koji se projicira utjecaj, komuniciraju kultura i identitet te poruke koje izražavaju prijateljstvo ili neprijateljstvo. Uloga hrane sve je istaknutija u javnodiplomatskoj praksi različitih država, dok su akademska razmatranja gastrodiplomacije, kulinarske diplomacije ili diplomacije hranom do sada bila ograničena unutar discipline međunarodnih odnosa. Cilj je članka predstaviti različite aspekte ovog novog interdisciplinarnog polja istraživanja široj akademskoj zajednici, polazeći od hipoteze da hrana u sve većoj mjeri postaje prepoznata kao službeno sredstvo meke moći i javne diplomacije. U članku se prezentiraju rezultati inicijalnog istraživanja provedenog među diplomatima akreditiranima u Republici Hrvatskoj te anketnog istraživanja provedenog među studentima Fakulteta političkih znanosti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu. ; Food as an essential ingredient of human existence, has always played an important role in interstate relations and diplomatic practice. It has been used as a medium for projecting influence, communicating one's culture, identity and messages that express friendship or enmity. Its role is becoming increasingly prominent in the public diplomacy practices of various countries, while academic accounts on gastro diplomacy, food diplomacy or culinary diplomacy within the International Relations (IR) discipline have so far been limited. The aim of this article is to introduce different aspects of this new, developing field of interdisciplinary research to the wider academic community, building on the hypothesis that food is becoming more recognized as an official soft power or public diplomacy tool. The article contains an analysis based on an initial survey conducted among the diplomats accredited in the Republic of Croatia as well as among the students of the Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb.

Ovaj se rad bavi stvarnim mogućnostima koje stoje na raspolaganju Bosni i Hercegovini u ostvarenju strateškoga cilja koje je sebi zadalo bosanskohercegovačko društvo, a to je članstvo u Europskoj uniji. Kako svaka država u vanjskim odnosima može računati na tri vrste moći (vojna, ekonomska i meka moć), ovdje se pošlo od pretpostavke da ta država nema značajne vojne i ekonomske potencijale, ali i to kako se među tri izvora meke moći (vanjska politika, unutarnje političke vrijednosti i kultura) Bosna i Hercegovina za sada može uspješno koristiti samo kulturom. Stoga se, u usporedbi s dosegnutom razinom uspješnosti primjene kulture u vanjskim odnosima EU-a, došlo do zaključka da je kreiranje i primjena jedinstvene kulturno-diplomatske strategije Bosne i Hercegovine poželjan način pozitivnoga pozicioniranja te države na političkoj i društvenoj karti Europe. ; This paper deals with realistic opportunities available to Bosnia and Herzegovina in achieving the strategic goal set by Bosnian-Herzegovinian society, which is membership in the European Union. Since every country in its external relations can count on three types of power (military, economic, and soft power), we have assumed that the country in question has no significant military and economic potentials, but, also—among the three soft power sources (foreign policy, internal political values and culture)—Bosnia and Herzegovina can successfully use only culture for the time being. Therefore, the intention of this paper is to show that the creation and implementation of a unified cultural-diplomatic strategy is a desirable way of positive positioning of Bosnia and Herzegovina on the political and social map of Europe.

Protokol kao disciplina predstavlja skup propisanih i unaprijed utvrđenih pravila lijepog ponašanja, komunikacije i međusobnog ophođenja prilikom političkih, gospodarskih i društvenih aktivnosti države i njezinih predstavnika te drugih pravnih subjekata poput međunarodnih organizacija. Prije svega protokol predstavlja smjernice civiliziranog ponašanja u međusobnom ophođenju i komunikaciji. Protokol i poštivanje protokolarnih pravila ima dugačku i tradicijski bogatu povijest, pravilima lijepog i uljudnog ponašanja pridodavala se posebna pažnja i pozornost još od vremena organiziranja bogatih ceremonijalnih prigoda na dvorovima velikih vladara i visokih državnika. Važnost poštivanja protokolarnih pravila proizlazi iz činjenice da se poštivanjem pravila ponašanja i postupanja unaprijed utvrđenih propisima kojima se definira protokol, prije svega iskazuju poštovanje i čast prema drugim državama i njihovim predstavnicima, te ostalim međunarodnim subjektima. Protokolarna procedura i njeno strogo poštivanje jedan su od bitnijih preduvjeta za provođenje uspješne državne diplomacije. Diplomacija je disciplina putem koje se promiču interesi i moć države, o uspješnosti i vještini diplomatskog znanja ovisi rješavanje bitnih vanjskopolitičkih i međunarodnih pitanja između država. Uspješnosti diplomacije u međunarodnom okruženju između ostalog pridonosi i dobro organiziran diplomatski protokol. Diplomacija i protokol moraju biti dobro iskoordinirani i povezani kako bi u očima susjednih zemalja, Europe i svijeta stvorili pozitivnu sliku Republike Hrvatske, te na što bolji način promovirali njezine vrijednosti i prednosti. Uspješna diplomacija najbolji je promotor svoje zemlje, najbolje gradi pozitivan imidž zemlje i na taj način stvara uspješan i prepoznatljiv brand Republike Hrvatske u međunarodnom okruženju. ; Protocol as a discipline is a set of prescribed and pre-established rules of good manners, communication and mutual dealings during political, economic and social activities of the state and its representatives, and ...

Indijski vladar Aśoka (273/269.–232. pr. Khr.) ostavio je znatan korpus natpisa na širokome prostoru svojega carstva o načelima svoje vladavine. Njegovi su pretci osvojili gotovo čitavu Indiju i područja današnjega Afghanistana i dijela Irana. On je vodio samo jedan rat u Kaliṅgi za istočnu obalu Indije. Strašne posljedice toga rata jasno je opisao na vlastitim natpisima. Potom je obustavio ratovanje i odlučio osvajati svijet načelima (buddhističke) pravednosti. Održavao je diplomatske odnose sa susjednim državama i imao poklisare u svim helenističkim kraljevstvima. Četrdesetak godina gradio je drugačiju Indiju i slao misionare da grade drugačiji svijet. Njegove su misli o ratu, miru, pravednosti i brizi za sva bića jedinstvene u povijesti politike. Loza je Aśokina vladala još pedesetak godina poslije njega, otprilike do 185. g. pr. Khr. Potom je na vlast u dijelu carstva došla brahmanistička loza Śunga (185.–73. pr. Khr.), a sjeverozapad su stali osvajati grčki vladari iz Baktrije, a zatim i neki iranski i drugi narodi. Śunge su vjerojatno zaslužni za neku vrst brahmanističkoga preporoda i vjerojatno je da je za njihova vladanja zaokružen narativni dio velikoga ratničkoga epa Mahābhārata. Možda je u to vrijeme ispjevan i bitan dio misaonoga spjeva Bhagavadgītā u okviru toga epa. U njem se raspravlja koliko je rat grijeh, i u kojem slučaju je dužnost, a nije grijeh ratovati. Tu se brahmanistički nazor prepoznatljivo upušta u polemiku s buddhističkim (ne spominjući ga imenom). U kontekstu takve polemike između buddhizma i brahmanizma (a i jinizma) formulirale su se neke od najznatnijih ljudskih dilema u odnosu na rat, nasilje, pravdu i nenasilnost, i stvorili su se obrisi etičkih pogleda na ljudsko djelovanje i život uopće, koji nas i danas jednako mogu potaći na razmišljanje i zauzimanje stava prema životu i drugim ljudima i živim bićima. I buddhizam i brahmanizam razvili su svoje temeljne pojmove o ljudskoj obvezi da se djeluje iz dužnosti bez obzira na vlastitu korist, s krajnjom svrhom da se ostvari opće dobro i održi svijet. Na taj su način izrazili svojevrstan kategorički imperativ da se djeluje u skladu s idealnim općim zakonodavstvom (dharmom, bilo u buddhističkome ili brahmanisičkome smislu), a indijski su ga mislioci izrazili na takav način dvije tisuće godina prije Kanta. Razlika između brahmanističkoga i buddhističkoga shvaćanja ipak je u tome što po brahmanističkome shvaćanju treba toj svrsi težiti djelujući samozatajno iz dužnosti, bez obzira na moguće nanošenje patnje drugima, dok po buddhističkome shvaćanju tu svrhu treba ozbiljiti upravo iz milosrđa koje nas navodi na najveće napore da bismo ljude i druga osje- ćajuća bića spasili od patnje i tjelesne i duševne propasti. Mnogi buddhistički i jinistički nazori i vrijednosti bili su ipak s vremenom prihvaćeni i u hinduizmu. ; The Indian emperor Aśoka Maurya (273/269 – 232 BC) left behind him an important corpus of inscriptions, describing the leading principles of his rule, which were disseminated over the vast territory of his empire. His ancestors conquered almost the whole of India and of contemporary Afghanistan, as well as parts of Iran. He waged only one war in Kaliṅga in order to incorporate the eastern coast of India into his realm. He described the horrible consequences of this war very openly in his inscriptions. He decided to stop waging wars therafter, and to "conquer" the world by means of righteousness in accordance with Buddhist principles. He cultivated diplomatic relations with neighbouring countries and had ambassadors in all the Hellenistic kingdoms. He invested fourty years of his rule in efforts to shape a different India, and sent missionaries to shape a different world. His thoughts on war and peace, on righteousness and care for all sentient beings are unique in human political history. The dynasty of Aśoka, the Mauryas, ruled some fifty years after his death, until 185 BC. After this, the Brahman dynasty of the Śuṅgas (185 – 73 BC) rose to power in the eastern part of the former empire. The northwestern part of the empire was conquered by the Greek rulers of Bactria, and later by Iranian peoples like the Parthians and the Scythians, and other invaders. It is very likely that we have to thank the Śuṅgas for a Brahmanist revival, and the narrative part of the great heroic epic the Mahābhārata was most probably completed during their rule. It is also possible that an essential portion of the famous philosophical and religous poem Bhagavadgītā, which was incorporated into this epic, was composed during the same period. The poem discusses under which circumstances war is a sin, and under which circumstances it is a duty to fight. The Brahmanical or Hindu world¬view here polemically opposes the Buddhist one without naming it explicitly. Some of the most salient dilemmas concerning war and peace, violence and non¬violence, duty and compassion found their expression within the context of the polemics between Brahmanism or Hinduism and Buddhism (and Jinism as well), and ethical views concerning human activity and life in general, which emerged on these grounds, can incite us even today to take our stand with regard to life and to other people and sentient beings. Both the Buddhists and the Hindus formulated their basic concepts of human obligation to act out of duty without regard to personal utility with the ultimate aim of promoting universal good and maintaining further existence of the world. This amonuts to the categorical imperative to act in accordance with what would be an ideal universal legislation (dharma, either in the Buddhist or in the Brahmanist sense), as it found its expression in India two thousand years before Kant in Europe. However, the difference between the Brahmanical and Buddhist conception is that, in the Brahmanical world¬view, this aim should be attained through the self¬denying fulfilment of our duty, irrespectively of the potential pain inflicted on others, while in the Buddhist view, this aim should be achieved through compassion that urges us to invest the greatest efforts to protect other people and sentient beings from pain and physical and spiritual ruin. However, many Buddhist and Jinist views and values were, through the course of time, also incorporated into the Hindu world¬view.

Gdje su izvori i koji su razlozi procesa povijesnog revizionizma koji se od devedesetih sve jače i češće pojavljuje u raznim europskih zemljama i koje bi mogle biti njegove posljedice na odnose između zemalja članica Europske unije? Kako spriječiti sukob oko interpretacije povijesti koji utječe na samu srž pojma europske konfederacije? Članak pokušava dati odgovor na ta pitanja polazeći od analize razloga krize antifašizma, kao i drugih političkih i kulturnih faktora koji su ukorijenjeni u događajima iz devedesetih te s kraja Hladnog rata i rušenja komunističkih režima u srednjoj i istočnoj Europi. Konkretno istraživanje odnosi se na slučaj Italije, gdje se "bitka sjećanja" i revizionizma vodi oko tzv. fojbi, istarskih kraških jama u kojima je stradalo nekoliko stotina Talijana za vrijeme ustanka u jesen 1943. godine. Tijekom zadnjih dvadeset godina taj povijesni događaj, o kojem skoro nitko ništa nije znao i koji je imao marginalnu ulogu u širem kontekstu talijanskog sudjelovanja u Drugom svjetskom ratu, postao je povijesni mit sa svojim službenim "danom sjećanja", uzdignutim na razinu Dana sjećanja na Holokaust. Budući da je 2007. godine upravo oko sjećanja na fojbe došlo do diplomatskog sukoba između predsjednikâ Italije i Hrvatske, Giorgia Napolitana i Stjepana Mesića, sukoba koji je kasnije riješen potpisivanjem sporazuma o povijesnom pomirenju između Italije, Hrvatske i Slovenije u Trstu 2010. godine, fojbe su predstavljale izvrstan primjer analize "rata" na području interpretacije povijesti koji se nedavno pojavio u više krajeva Europe i koji ugrožava međunarodne odnose, ali i stanja unutar pojedinih država. ; Where are the sources and what are the reasons for the process of historical revisionism that emerged in many European countries in the beginning of the nineties? Is it possible to avoid conflicts around different interpretations of history that affect the core of the concept of European integration? The article is focused on the crisis of antifascist interpretation of the past in Italy, which is rooted in the events of the nineties. In particular, two events and processes have shaken the dominant discourses: the end of the Cold war and the collapse of communist regimes in Central and Eastern Europe. The focus of the research is on the Italian case, where the war of memories mainly revolved around the so-called foibe, the Istrian carsic caves in which hundreds of Italians perished in the Autumn of 1943. In the span of twenty years a historic event that only a few knew about and which played a marginal role in the bigger picture of the Italian engagement in WWII has been transformed into a historic myth with its official "Remembrance day" and put at the same level of importance as the memory of the Shoah. The new official politics of remembering the victims of the foibe has triggered a diplomatic crisis between Italy and Croatia, which has later been solved with the signing of a memorandum on historic reconciliation in Trieste in 2010 (jointly with Slovenia). The foibe case is here placed into a wider context of revisionism in interpretation of history of the Second World War and of immediate post-War events, which is currently happening in many parts of Europe – not only former Eastern Europe – and which may complicate bilateral relations between various countries, but also wider international relations.

Autor pokazuje kako se stil Božidarevićeva slikarstva može analizirati kao reprezentativna građa za povijest dubrovačkog društva1500-tih godina, premda se Nikola ustezao od prodornijeg promatranja svog unutarnjeg svijeta i onog vanjskog koji ga je okruživao, dočim se moglo očekivati (obzirom na njegov temperament i budući da je radio po narudžbi kapetana i trgovaca globe-trottera) da mu slike budu proviđene s više detalja onodobne vidljive stvarnosti. ; He signed himself in brush strokes only twice as: Nicolaus Rhagusinus, Nicolo Raguseo- Nikola of Dubrovnik - once in a marble medallion under the arm of Gabriel in the middle of the Annunciation, which he painted in 1513 forthe Đorđić family, the second time at the foot of the Virgin's throne on the main altar retable in the Church of Our Lady of Dance, his last work (1517). This name, until the archival discovery of his Croatian family name, fired the imagination of those researching Dubrovnik Renaissance art and even became a kind of myth. To call himself Rhagusinus in the middle of Dubrovnik undoubtedly meant a self-confident declaration vis a vis his artistic contemporaries- especially Mihajlo Hamzić and Vicko, the son of Lovro Dobričević,and even perhaps in relation to his own father whose workshop he had just left. When we stand today in front of polyptychs of this kind (which, when preserved in full, amaze us by the perfect balance of their general composition) we rarely think that they were created as bricolage. Immediately after Nikola's return from Italy he, and his father Božidar Vlatković received several very large orders. In 1495 they were given a contract for the retable of the main altar of the Franciscan church in Cavtat. The church authorities required that the central composition and figures on the left side should be composed according to the pattern of a polyptych executed almost half a century earlier by Matko Junčić in the church of the Minorite Friars in Dubrovnik, while figures on the right side were to be done according to the pattern of another altar in the same church. The saints in the upper part of the polyptych, shown down to the waist, were to be done after Junčić also, and only the central Pieta according to an earlier painting by Božidarević. The same is true of their style. Experts have very easily "reduced" Božidarević's work into the style and themes found in the Crivelli brothers and Vittore Carpaccio. But Božidarević obviously also knew the fresco paintings of Perugino and Pinturichio in the Vatican palace (Appartamento Borgia)and elsewhere in Rome where his brush may, according to Vladimir Marković, have indeed been involved. The form of a polyptych (like the form of a sonnet) helps in the construction of a figural composition, in a rationally and symmetrically balanced composition. It equalizes lighting, concentrates sight and attention: even when its constructional elements are removed, which make the composition of a polyptych, it continues to make an invisible effect for a long time. By 1500 the form of the polyptych which the "Dubrovnik School of Painting" retained until the end had become a Procrustean bed. It did not allow figures to be shown in a natural context, to be enlivened by being shown with real appurtenances, nor for any relaxation of stiff postures, or any easier breathing. Thus in Božidarević's paintings the representation of real life and the movement of the real world is only found in miniatures, on the borders of polypthychs, in "footnotes" on individual articles or when we study details "microscopically". In fact it is drapery which is the most convincing and arresting and almost tactile element of Božidarević's painting. Just as we perceive the bustle of the harbour on the model of Dubrovnik held by St Blasius so too he was fully aware of the richness of the materials which were produced at this time in Dubrovnik. Cloth was as important as salt for the trade of Dubrovnik and was a very tangible asset in the consciousness of the city. It may be paradoxical but it is accurate to say that Božidarević did not paint portraits (using patterns of characters) but portrayed materials in which his saints were clothed. It is of significance in this context that the most outstanding assistant in his workshop for which in 1507 he rented a whole floor in one of the mansions on Placa, suitable because of its good light - was Marin Kriješić who is recorded in one of the archives as "pictor sive coltrarius", painter of pictures, curtains, covers and cloth. When we consider Božidarević's landscapes we also notice a paradox. The endless journeys of the Dubrovnikians, constantly involving the sea, did not give rise to the desire to extend the picture to include real landscape even in those ordered by ship's captains, merchants, or globe-trotters. But it would have been unrealistic to expect Nikola Božidarević to show the Annunciation in Kolendić's Lopud landscape. Instead he presents the stereotyped picture of the humanists' idea of Arcadia but omitting Bellini's ploughmen and donkeys. This is no bucolic Virgilian landscape as created in the circle surrounding Giorgione - no mundane Utopia in which we might like to live. Behind Gabriel the landscape is wild and rough, behind Our Lady it is cultivated, these are more symbolic, antithetical rather than any true mise-en scene. When we first come to Božidarević's paintings we may be surprised by the fact that in spite of the very real situation within which they developed, there is a lack of any penetrating observation of either inner or outer worlds. Where details appear they largely represent a sanctified aspect of reality: spiritualiasub metaphoris corporalium, as Thomas Aquinus would say. The political, diplomatic, commercial realism of the people of Dubrovnik was, surprisingly enough, very late reflected in an art which served symbolic ends. Considered from this angle the architectural presentation of the city has something in common with butterflies which have great black eyes on their wings in order to make an impression on their surroundings and themselves. Thus in Božidarević and his predecessors we shall find no dark allegory, as measured by today's art critics, but a clear and balanced representation of the Bible message. These polyptychs provide a view of many kinds of fear (of heaven, of the sea, of plague, of Turks of all kinds, of oneself), and also of much hope. The four paintings by Božidarević which have come down to us are typologically different. This only shows us how impoverished we are not to have his entire opus. All four of Božidarević' surviving paintings were private votive offerings. Their subject must therefore be read according to the wishes of the person who ordered them. It is often considered, taking into account their formal superioriy that the Sacra conversazione of the Đođic painting and the Annunciation done for Captain Marko Kolendić are the "measure" of Božidarević's painting. If the former is his first example of a particularly popular Renaissance composition in Croatian art history, the second is his first independent central altar painting. Private orders in Dubrovnik of the time continued to demand the traditional religious, especially votive themes. But in the wider sphere new, more secular, opportunities presented themselves. A study by Vladimir Marković shows this programme to have arisen out of a combination between political intentions and the moral principles of the patrician oligarchy which coincided and were identified with the Renaissance view of Christian and especially with the classical Roman exempla. Božidarević was the contemporary of poets Džore Držić and ŠiškoMenčetić, of Mavro Vetranović. Marin Držić, the most successful writer of Dubrovnik's "Golden Age" was born when Nikola was in prison for the ribald songs. But we cannot but feel that the painter's temper remains hidden behind the porcelain surface and perfect outer symmetry of his compositions. The Dubrovnik context did not provide opportunities for the expression of strong passions. The demands for caution and order were unremitting. There might be considerable personal pride but there must never be bragging. It was not a setting for great philosophy or poetry, nor for tragedy, but for the natural sciences, economics and- along with them- comedies. Unfortunately Dubrovnik painting was fated to disappear almost unnoticed, with no fanfares or real apogee, to be drowned in the import of baroque art from the other side of the Adriatic. When we talk about Dubrovnik, the Renaissance is our first association, but the Renaissance in Croatian painting never managed fully to develop. Indeed Gothic was never fully relinquished but, rather, gradually disintegrated. Its place was taken by the counter Reformation, together with a whole packet of ready-made solutions, before the Renaissance had managed to achieve full definition. We cannot experience Nikola's paintings as Renaissance building blocks cut out from the reality of their own day. We may rather consider them as tables bearing rich fabric. His saints, enveloped in brocade, standing before an azure sky, are sunk in timeless melancholy. They are depicted in an indeterminate context as they appeared to the eye of the painter - without any later addition of colour. They did not attain the position of an academic standard for the Dubrovnik painting of the period that followed. Božidarević went ad patraim paradisi the same time as Mihajlo Hamzić, son of the German immigrant Hans, a "bombardiere" from Cologne, and Vicko Lovrin, son of Dobričević. The sudden and complete change of generations coincided with a fundamental change in the taste of the rich commercial class when it began to turn to the artists of the Bellini and Titian circle. The colours of Božidarević's painting are the most harmonious chords of Dubrovnik's "Golden Age". Of the one hundred and fifty polyptychs registered at the time of Sormano's apostolic visitation in 1573 less than one tenth remain. The Dubrovnik archives record seventeen works by Božidarević but only four have come down to us. In old cities such as Dubrovnik - colour, like everything else except stone, is recessive. What we have today is an idealized impression of what was once reality.