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Six months after President Trump took office at the White House, can we see a change in US foreign policy through votes and debates in the Security Council? It is probably too early to take a decision because it is difficult to set up the administration and, in particular, the Secretariat of State. The Secretary of State did not give a real boost to foreign policy and was rather limited to the administration of the secretariat, whereas the direct role of the president's circle was considerable. With the appointment of Ms N.Haley as the Permanent Representative of the United States to the Security Council, some trends seem to be emerging, but they are not very original. Between 20 January and 30 June 2017, the Security Council adopted 28 resolutions unanimously and sometimes without proper debate. Only two draft resolutions, submitted inter alia by the United States, were not adopted because of the vote against Russia. Both concerned the situation in Syria where the Western and Russian positions are currently irreconcilable. On the other hand, unanimity was reached on the fight against terrorism, on the peace operations that the United States wished to be much more effective, but also on the nuclear issue raised by North Korea, even though Washington wanted a much greater commitment from China. While President Trump and Ms Haley have on several occasions considered the possibility for the United States to act unilaterally with military means, it seems, however, that the choice between multilateralism and multilateralism, but also diplomacy and use of force, is not resolved. ; International audience Six months after President Trump took office at the White House, can we see a change in US foreign policy through voting and debates in the UN Security Council? It is undoubtedly too early to decide, since the establishment of the administration, and in particular of the secretariat of State, is proving difficult. The Secretary of State does not give real impetus to foreign policy and is limited to the administration ...

Article available online: https://www.cairn.info/revue-strategique-2017-1-page-45.htm the National Navy is in the 19th century an important and regular actor in humanitarian interference in the Mediterranean. Faced with disasters, particularly fires and earthquakes, material resources, vessel mobility, experience, discipline and crew training are powerful assets and serve both naval diplomacy and France's policy of influence. The poor will of the political authorities, the hostility of the population, urban topography and panic fears, on the other hand, seriously impede naval military action. These constraints impose great caution on officers who, while keeping close monitoring of the most threatened port areas, participate actively and not without success in consular mediation. ; International audience ; Article available online: https://www.cairn.info/revue-strategique-2017-1-page-45.htm the National Navy is in the 19th century an important and regular actor in humanitarian interference in the Mediterranean. Faced with disasters, particularly fires and earthquakes, material resources, vessel mobility, experience, discipline and crew training are powerful assets and serve both naval diplomacy and France's policy of influence. The poor will of the political authorities, the hostility of the population, urban topography and panic fears, on the other hand, seriously impede naval military action. These constraints impose great caution on officers who, while keeping close monitoring of the most threatened port areas, participate actively and not without success in consular mediation. ; Article disponible en ligne : https://www.cairn.info/revue-strategique-2017-1-page-45.htm La Marine nationale est au xixe siècle un acteur important et régulier de l'ingérence humanitaire en Méditerranée. Face aux catastrophes, spécialement les incendies et les tremblements de terre, les moyens matériels, la mobilité des navires, l'expérience, la discipline comme l'entraînement des équipages sont de puissants atouts et servent la ...

International audience Louis Marin used to say that the prince was the reflection of the kingdom in his body and his soul. Using this old statement, this article aims to trace some of the Renaissance princes' diplomatic behaviour when the body was vitiated, from the minor injury to the unstoppable forfeiture of age. It turns out that the prince could use his illness as a reason of modulating his diplomatic behaviour, refusing hearings, accepting them under certain conditions, or using his health to make ambassadors see a weakness and gain some political advantages. ; Louis Marin disait du prince qu'il était le reflet du royaume dans son corps et son âme. Partant de ce vieil adage, cet article a pour objet de retracer une partie du comportement diplomatique des princes de la Renaissance lorsque ce corps était vicié, de la simple blessure à la déchéance irrémédiable de l'âge. Il se révèle alors que le prince pouvait se servir de sa maladie comme d'un facteur de modulation de son comportement diplomatique, refusant les audiences, les acceptant sous certaines conditions, ou jouant de son état de santé pour faire croire à une faiblesse et obtenir quelques gains politiques.

This study questions the specific nature of the report by Jews in power in the Grand Duchy of Tuscany and aims to reconstruct the history of disputes between Jews and Christians in the second half of the century, starting from the case of the small town of Pitigliano. By analysing the communication maintained by the Jewish University with the Grand Ducal institutions, the aim is to shed light on the many paths of integration of Jews among those entitled to local membership and to explain the methods of Jewish penetration in the Christian political and legal context. Through the vicissitudes of Jewish litigants in power and on the basis of their powers, it is possible to write a story of Jewish political and diplomatic experience. The case of Jews in Pitigliano makes it possible to assess the multifaceted dimension of Jewish social experiences in Diaspora and to approach their community and individual paths. ; International audience ; This study questions the specific nature of the report by Jews in power in the Grand Duchy of Tuscany and aims to reconstruct the history of disputes between Jews and Christians in the second half of the century, starting from the case of the small town of Pitigliano. By analysing the communication maintained by the Jewish University with the Grand Ducal institutions, the aim is to shed light on the many paths of integration of Jews among those entitled to local membership and to explain the methods of Jewish penetration in the Christian political and legal context. Through the vicissitudes of Jewish litigants in power and on the basis of their powers, it is possible to write a story of Jewish political and diplomatic experience. The case of Jews in Pitigliano makes it possible to assess the multifaceted dimension of Jewish social experiences in Diaspora and to approach their community and individual paths. ; Cette étude interroge la spécificité du rapport des Juifs au pouvoir dans le Grand-duché de Toscane et vise à reconstituer l'histoire des contentieux entre Juifs et chrétiens ...

International audience ; What do the borders of the European Union (EU) to its limits? The first part of this study shows how the EU presents scalable borders. The second part analyzes the issue of state candidates, so possible future enlargements which would mean a further decline in EU borders. Finally, examination of what the migration borders can be called will deepen the EU's geopolitical reality. ; Que nous apprennent les frontières de l'Union européenne (UE) de ses limites ? La première partie de cette étude montre combien l'UE présente des frontières évolutives. La deuxième partie analyse la question des candidats étatiques, donc des éventuels élargissements futurs qui signifieraient une nouveau recul des frontières de l'UE. Enfin, l'examen de ce que l'on peut appeler les frontières migratoires permet d'approfondir la réalité géopolitique de l'UE.

Economy and Humanism No 271 Mai-June 1983. Disarmament for development is a concept and a proposal that has often been put forward by French diplomacy. The aim is to limit the financial importance accorded to barrels in favour of butter. Apart from the addition of a second idea, that of aid for the development of the poorest countries. The main challenge is that a reduction in military effort leads, in the very short term, to the obsolescence of the capital for the manufacture of weapons, a capital whose use for civilian purposes is neither suitable nor profitable in the context of a competitive bidding process. In this context, while the diplomatic idea is interesting, there are many problems in terms of estimating and comparing military spending, the cost of disarmament, the link with development aid and the expected end of the Cold War. ; International audience Disarmament for development is a concept and a proposal that has often been presented by French diplomacy. It is about limiting the financial importance of guns for the benefit of butter. Except that a second idea is added, that of development aid to the poorest countries. The main challenge is that a reduction in the military effort leads, in the very short term, to the obsolescence of the capital intended for the manufacture of weapons, a capital whose use for civilian purposes is neither adapted nor profitable in the context of a competitive market. In this context, while the diplomatic idea is interesting, its realisation poses many problems, concerning the estimation and comparison of military expenditure, the cost of disarmament, the link with development aid and the hoped-for end of the Cold War. ; Economy and Humanism No 271 Mai-June 1983. Disarmament for development is a concept and a proposal that has often been put forward by French diplomacy. The aim is to limit the financial importance accorded to barrels in favour of butter. Apart from the addition of a second idea, that of aid for the development of the poorest countries. The main ...

This study presents constitutional law as an ideal framework to analyze the foreign relations of the State. Through a double standpoint, it examines these relations from the State's perspective and through the action of the empowered organs of the State. In this way, the study aims to highlight the institutional and normative specificities of State's foreign relations. When the State establishes diplomatic and military relations at the outer-limits of its borders, it assumes a singular role compared to other political non-state unities. It performs a political function (fonction-fin), as defined by Charles Eisenmann, which belongs to the field of foreign relations. This political function is hold by the State in order to fulfill one basic need of the sovereign collectivity: to establish and to maintain "good relations" outside its boundaries – irrespective of the conflictual or cooperative nature of these relations. Because law and politics are intertwined, the function of foreign relations do not pre-define the distribution of powers within the State. Nevertheless, it exerts some influence on the constituent's choices and on the practices of the empowered organs. At the interface between the State's interior and exterior, constitutional analysis enables therefore to reexamine many elements usually taken as evident. This study assesses them and observe its effects. For example, it is possible to nuance the State's monopoly on foreign relations and, through a historical perspective, to moderate the governmental concentration of the direction of foreign affairs. ; L'étude proposée soutient que le droit constitutionnel offre un cadre privilégié pour observer les relations extérieures de l'État. L'approche envisage de les appréhender à la fois au prisme de l'État lui-même, et à travers l'action des organes compétents organisés dans l'État. Cette étude entend ainsi mettre en lumière les spécificités institutionnelles et normatives des relations extérieures de l'État. Lorsque celui-ci établit des rapports à ...

This study presents constitutional law as an ideal framework to analyze the foreign relations of the State. Through a double standpoint, it examines these relations from the State's perspective and through the action of the empowered organs of the State. In this way, the study aims to highlight the institutional and normative specificities of State's foreign relations. When the State establishes diplomatic and military relations at the outer-limits of its borders, it assumes a singular role compared to other political non-state unities. It performs a political function (fonction-fin), as defined by Charles Eisenmann, which belongs to the field of foreign relations. This political function is hold by the State in order to fulfill one basic need of the sovereign collectivity: to establish and to maintain "good relations" outside its boundaries – irrespective of the conflictual or cooperative nature of these relations. Because law and politics are intertwined, the function of foreign relations do not pre-define the distribution of powers within the State. Nevertheless, it exerts some influence on the constituent's choices and on the practices of the empowered organs. At the interface between the State's interior and exterior, constitutional analysis enables therefore to reexamine many elements usually taken as evident. This study assesses them and observe its effects. For example, it is possible to nuance the State's monopoly on foreign relations and, through a historical perspective, to moderate the governmental concentration of the direction of foreign affairs. ; L'étude proposée soutient que le droit constitutionnel offre un cadre privilégié pour observer les relations extérieures de l'État. L'approche envisage de les appréhender à la fois au prisme de l'État lui-même, et à travers l'action des organes compétents organisés dans l'État. Cette étude entend ainsi mettre en lumière les spécificités institutionnelles et normatives des relations extérieures de l'État. Lorsque celui-ci établit des rapports à l'extérieur de ses frontières au moyen de ses outils diplomatique et militaire, il assume un rôle singulier en comparaison des autres unités politiques non étatiques. En effet, il remplit une fonction-fin, au sens de Charles Eisenmann, propre à la matière des relations extérieures. Cette fonction politique est assurée par l'État afin de répondre à un besoin de la collectivité souveraine, à savoir nouer de « bons rapports » au-dehors de son territoire – sans préjuger si la relation en cause est conflictuelle ou coopérative. En raison de l'imbrication du droit et du politique, la fonction des relations extérieures de l'État, si elle ne préjuge pas de la répartition des compétences au sein de celui-ci, n'est pas sans influencer les choix du constituant et la pratique des organes habilités. Placée à l'interface entre le dedans et le dehors de l'État, l'analyse constitutionnelle permet de réinterroger plusieurs éléments souvent présentés comme relevant de l'évidence. L'étude conduit autant à les examiner qu'à en observer les effets. Ainsi est-il possible, par exemple, de relativiser le monopole étatique des relations extérieures ou encore de tempérer, au regard de l'histoire, la concentration gouvernementale de la direction des affaires extérieures.

This study presents constitutional law as an ideal framework to analyze the foreign relations of the State. Through a double standpoint, it examines these relations from the State's perspective and through the action of the empowered organs of the State. In this way, the study aims to highlight the institutional and normative specificities of State's foreign relations. When the State establishes diplomatic and military relations at the outer-limits of its borders, it assumes a singular role compared to other political non-state unities. It performs a political function (fonction-fin), as defined by Charles Eisenmann, which belongs to the field of foreign relations. This political function is hold by the State in order to fulfill one basic need of the sovereign collectivity: to establish and to maintain "good relations" outside its boundaries – irrespective of the conflictual or cooperative nature of these relations. Because law and politics are intertwined, the function of foreign relations do not pre-define the distribution of powers within the State. Nevertheless, it exerts some influence on the constituent's choices and on the practices of the empowered organs. At the interface between the State's interior and exterior, constitutional analysis enables therefore to reexamine many elements usually taken as evident. This study assesses them and observe its effects. For example, it is possible to nuance the State's monopoly on foreign relations and, through a historical perspective, to moderate the governmental concentration of the direction of foreign affairs. ; L'étude proposée soutient que le droit constitutionnel offre un cadre privilégié pour observer les relations extérieures de l'État. L'approche envisage de les appréhender à la fois au prisme de l'État lui-même, et à travers l'action des organes compétents organisés dans l'État. Cette étude entend ainsi mettre en lumière les spécificités institutionnelles et normatives des relations extérieures de l'État. Lorsque celui-ci établit des rapports à ...