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In the structure of Brazilian Government, regarding both the executive as well as the executive powers, the increase in ways in which society can participate in decisions of public interest, stands out. Among the shared or participatory managerial policies implemented in Brazil, the following are noteworthy: the participatory budget, managerial councils, committees dealing with watersheds, thematic conferences, plebiscites, public meetings and referenda. However, if compared to the size of Brazil's territory and population, the experiences of participatory management are rare and have developed mainly in the southern and southeastern regions of the country. In most Brazilian municipalities, politics by patronage, authoritarian and populist, is the rule, linked to changes in the parties and to the electoral mandate (four years).

As two Acts on direct democracy procedures at the national level were passed only earlier this year (2006), citizens have not yet had time to truly apprehend the extraordinary change in their political rights. Additionally, the government has made no effort to adequately inform the people of these powerful instruments they may now recur to, to make their voices heard. The fact that these instruments have not yet been tested, either at the lower municipal level or the national level, makes it difficult to assess their appropriateness. Notwithstanding, certain organized groups have already made official their intention to collect signatures, in order to petition a referendum on whether to ratify the Free Trade Agreement signed two years ago with the United States of America.

El presente artículo explora los retos políticos que plantea la democracia directa. En el pensamiento político de Locke la democracia representativa consiste en el compromiso de mantener la estructura económica de laisser-faire, mientras que la democracia directa rousseauniana que demanda homogeneidad acaba por no ser muy democrática. La cuestión en juego es si puede haber un régimen político capaz de acoger tanto una participación inclusiva como la diversidad existente de los participantes. Se presentan dos respuestas diferentes a esta pregunta a través de las obras de Jean-Luc Nancy y Jacques Rancière.

Foreign direct investment (FDI) in Brazil, started in the 19th century, a transition period between the Empire and the beginning of the Republic (1860-1913), when fdi theories had not yet been formulated. The British were the main investors worldwide, also in Brazil, responsible for developing essential sectors. In addition to the Europeans, the Americans also saw opportunities in the country, contributing later to the industries' installation. To better understand foreign investments in Brazil, as well as the installation of multinationals in the transition from the Empire to the Republic, we highlight the foreign investment process and the country's industrialization. The main contribution of this work is research pointing out the historical landmark of foreign investment in Brazil in the analyzed period, allowing to understand the country's urban and social development.

Since the launch of the Barcelona Process in 1995 and later the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, economic relationship between the European Union (EU) and Southern Mediterranean has grown tremendously. Trade volume, in terms of absolute value, between the EU and Southern Mediterranean has grown to an unprecedented height. Although the value has increased, foreign direct investment (FDI) from the EU to Southern Mediterranean remains low. South-to-North migration has also undoubtedly increased given the fact that it has become one of the priority concerns of the EU. Development has taken place through these economic exchanges. However, economic development growth rate remains considerably low compared to that of Latin America and Southeast Asia. This paper discusses about the economic development dynamic of Southern Mediterranean in comparison with that of Latin America and Southeast Asia through economic indicators, economic openness and trade, FDI and migration flows and structures. It also discusses about the challenges faced by Southern Mediterranean and how the economic crisis in the EU may affect their economic relationship

Since the launch of the Barcelona Process in 1995 and later the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, economic relationship between the European Union (EU) and Southern Mediterranean has grown tremendously. Trade volume, in terms of absolute value, between the EU and Southern Mediterranean has grown to an unprecedented height. Although the value has increased, foreign direct investment (FDI) from the EU to Southern Mediterranean remains low. South-to-North migration has also undoubtedly increased given the fact that it has become one of the priority concerns of the EU. Development has taken place through these economic exchanges. However, economic development growth rate remains considerably low compared to that of Latin America and Southeast Asia. This paper discusses about the economic development dynamic of Southern Mediterranean in comparison with that of Latin America and Southeast Asia through economic indicators, economic openness and trade, FDI and migration flows and structures. It also discusses about the challenges faced by Southern Mediterranean and how the economic crisis in the EU may affect their economic relationship. ; Since the launch of the Barcelona Process in 1995 and later the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, economic relationship between the European Union (EU) and Southern Mediterranean has grown tremendously. Trade volume, in terms of absolute value, between the EU and Southern Mediterranean has grown to an unprecedented height. Although the value has increased, foreign direct investment (FDI) from the EU to Southern Mediterranean remains low. South-to-North migration has also undoubtedly increased given the fact that it has become one of the priority concerns of the EU. Development has taken place through these economic exchanges. However, economic development growth rate remains considerably low compared to that of Latin America and Southeast Asia. This paper discusses about the economic development dynamic of Southern Mediterranean in comparison with that of Latin America and Southeast Asia through economic indicators, economic openness and trade, FDI and migration flows and structures. It also discusses about the challenges faced by Southern Mediterranean and how the economic crisis in the EU may affect their economic relationship.

Libro de Investigación ; Este libro es el primer y único libro en ofrece un análisis completo y detallado del Paquete Anti-Elusión de la Unión Europea, junto con otras acciones europeas recientes y en marcha que se están sucediendo en materia de fiscalidad. Como consecuencia de la necesidad de los Estados Miembros de reconstruir una economía sólida y estable tras la crisis de 2007, la Unión Europea (UE) ha desarrollad un nuevo y robusto marco de transparencia con normas anti-abuso vinculantes e instrumentos más sólidos para lidiar con las amenazas externas a la erosión de las bases imponibles. Este libro deja claro que la fiscalidad se ha trasladado al centro del debate político de la Unión, y que la importancia otorgada a la armonización fiscal y la velocidad a la que está aconteciendo localiza las normas fiscales de la Unión Europea en el centro de todos los sistemas fiscales. ; Combating Tax Avoidance in the EU is the first and only book to provide a complete detailed analysis of the Anti-Tax Avoidance Package jointly with other recent and ongoing European actions taken in direct taxation. Following each Member State s need to rebuild a strong and stable economy after the 2007 financial crisis, the European Union (EU) has developed a robust new transparency framework with binding anti-abuse measures and stronger instruments to challenge external threats of base erosion. This book makes clear that taxation has come to the centre of the EU political debate, and that the importance given to tax harmonization and the speed at which it is taking place will put EU Tax rules at the very core of all tax systems. What s in this book: With contributions from both prominent tax academics and Spanish delegates to the European meetings where the EU tax rules are debated and promulgated, the book covers such issues and topics as the following: the development of the EU Strategy towards Aggressive Tax Planning; the recent tax-related jurisprudence of the European Court of Justice; the Anti-Tax Avoidance Directive; tax treaties and non-tax treaties with tax consequences both between the Member States and between the Member States and third countries; code of conduct for business taxation; automatic exchange of information; country-by-country reporting; arbitration in tax matters; external strategy for effective taxation regarding non-EU countries; competition and state aid developments in direct taxation; the Common Consolidated Tax Base; and digital significant presence and permanent establishment. How this will help you: As the EU pursues its ambitious tax agenda, taxation s contribution to EU growth and competitiveness and its part in relations with the rest of the world will come into ever-clearer focus. In addition to its insights into these trends, the book s unparalleled practical information and analysis will be of great value to tax practitioners dealing with investment analysis, tax planning schemes and other features of the current international tax landscape. The internal and purposive view of the rules will help readers interpret and match the resulting rules and the directives preliminary approaches. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

From the beginning International law has been conceived as being between states. However, as a result of the progressive development of the law, new actors and new subjects have taken root. The individual is one of these and this has occurred in respect of different perspectives; under the criminal concept the individual may be held responsible before different ad hoc tribunals and the International Criminal Court. Also from the perspective of human rights. This article analyzes the means by which the state's positions on matters of international law are conveyed to individuals, corporate entities and other actors. ; El derecho internacional fue concebido como un derecho interestatal. Sin embargo, como consecuencia del desarrollo progresivo del derecho, nuevos actores y nuevos sujetos han ido surgiendo. El individuo es uno de ellos bajo diferentes perspectivas, bajo la perspectiva penal al asumir la responsabilidad de sus actos frente a los diferentes tribunales ad hoc y, ahora ante la Corte Penal Internacional. También se ha desarrollado la figura bajo la perspectiva de los derechos humanos. Este artículo analiza las formas como las políticas estatales relativas al derecho internacional se presentan a los individuos, a las personas jurídicas y a los demás actores. ; Le droit international a été conçu comme un droit interétatique. Cependant, comme conséquence du développement progressif du droit, ont émergé de nouveaux acteurs et de nouveaux sujets. L'individu est l'un de ceux-ci sous différentes perspectives : sous la perspective pénale, du fait d'assumer la responsabilité de ses actes face aux différents tribunaux ad hoc, et maintenant devant la Cour pénale internationale ; et sous la perspective des droits de l'homme. L'article analyse les manières dont les politiques des États relatives au droit international se présentent aux individus, aux personnes juridiques et aux autres acteurs.

From the beginning International law has been conceived as being between states. However, as a result of the progressive development of the law, new actors and new subjects have taken root. The individual is one of these and this has occurred in respect of different perspectives; under the criminal concept the individual may be held responsible before different ad hoc tribunals and the International Criminal Court. Also from the perspective of human rights. This article analyzes the means by which the state's positions on matters of international law are conveyed to individuals, corporate entities and other actors. ; El derecho internacional fue concebido como un derecho interestatal. Sin embargo, como consecuencia del desarrollo progresivo del derecho, nuevos actores y nuevos sujetos han ido surgiendo. El individuo es uno de ellos bajo diferentes perspectivas, bajo la perspectiva penal al asumir la responsabilidad de sus actos frente a los diferentes tribunales ad hoc y, ahora ante la Corte Penal Internacional. También se ha desarrollado la figura bajo la perspectiva de los derechos humanos. Este artículo analiza las formas como las políticas estatales relativas al derecho internacional se presentan a los individuos, a las personas jurídicas y a los demás actores. ; Le droit international a été conçu comme un droit interétatique. Cependant, comme conséquence du développement progressif du droit, ont émergé de nouveaux acteurs et de nouveaux sujets. L'individu est l'un de ceux-ci sous différentes perspectives : sous la perspective pénale, du fait d'assumer la responsabilité de ses actes face aux différents tribunaux ad hoc, et maintenant devant la Cour pénale internationale ; et sous la perspective des droits de l'homme. L'article analyse les manières dont les politiques des États relatives au droit international se présentent aux individus, aux personnes juridiques et aux autres acteurs.

All of us that are concerned about the environment should ask if the increase in capital mobility associated with the world-wide process of liberalization, deregulation and privatization known as the Neo-liberal global regime has contributed to the problems of higher emissions, ozone layer destruction, and pollution of water sources, as well as to create false economic bubbles that lead to increase consumption in these regions and force the poor to destroy the environment in order to survive and cope with the roles their society demands. Neo-liberal practices such as those enforced in developing countries like Colombia, seeking to attract foreign investment to push their economies tend to generate a false aggregated demand growth, that in most cases is not sustainable in the long term, and thus high global unemployment, unleash destructive competitive processes, and weaken government's ability to regulate business in the citizens best interests. The forces of global Neo-liberalism are now so powerful that it has become difficult if not impossible for countries like Colombia to maintain non-Neo-liberal economic structures, in which countries are forced to deregulate FDI policies and receive inflows of capital no matter the terms and the objectives as long as it helps to maintain consumption levels.

All of us that are concerned about the environment should ask if the increase in capital mobility associated with the world-wide process of liberalization, deregulation and privatization known as the Neo-liberal global regime has contributed to the problems of higher emissions, ozone layer destruction, and pollution of water sources, as well as to create false economic bubbles that lead to increase consumption in these regions and force the poor to destroy the environment in order to survive and cope with the roles their society demands. Neo-liberal practices such as those enforced in developing countries like Colombia, seeking to attract foreign investment to push their economies tend to generate a false aggregated demand growth, that in most cases is not sustainable in the long term, and thus high global unemployment, unleash destructive competitive processes, and weaken government's ability to regulate business in the citizens best interests. The forces of global Neo-liberalism are now so powerful that it has become difficult if not impossible for countries like Colombia to maintain non-Neo-liberal economic structures, in which countries are forced to deregulate FDI policies and receive inflows of capital no matter the terms and the objectives as long as it helps to maintain consumption levels.

In a globalized world integration processes are taking more and more strength, which implies greater democratic participation in political and social actors, a situation that is not yet evident in the Andean integration process and aims achieved through the consolidation of elections direct and universal Andean Parliament.The Andean Parliament is called to become the backbone of South American integration process. Therefore, it is essential that the member countries of the Andean Community (CAN), support through the direct election of their representatives to consolidate and legitimate representative organ of the Andean citizens in the supranational context. ; En un mundo globalizado los procesos de integración vienen tomando cada día más fuerza; lo que implica mayor participación democrática de los actores políticos y sociales, situación que todavía no se evidencia en el Proceso de Integración Andino y que aspira lograrse mediante la consolidación de las elecciones directas y universales de parlamentarios andinos.El Parlamento Andino está llamado a convertirse en la columna vertebral del proceso de integración en suramericana. Por lo tanto, es indispensable que los países miembros de la Comunidad Andina (CAN), respalden mediante la elección directa, la consolidación y legitimación del órgano representante de los ciudadanos andinos en el contexto supranacional

Abstract:Despite the theoretical linkage of direct participation to the idea of democracy, the Spanish constituent was extraordinarily prudent in regulating the semi-direct democracy institutes by the fear of the political left to the repetition of the negative historical experiences in the use of the referendum; Its decided option for representative democracy was beyond doubt in parliamentary debates. That is why the 1978 text is extraordinarily sober in the acceptance of both the popular initiative and the referendum. And it has been no less the practice during 40 years of these instruments. However, the most recent political formations present in the Parliament claim the importance of semi-direct democracy at the institutional level, while in parallel we observe new democratic forms in the action of the political parties themselves. But it is not clear that they are claiming semi-direct democracy as an instrument of popular participation, but rather seems to be invoked as an instrument of constitutional change to which the new left tend, as a constituent exercise, without a project of acceptance of such General means (or exercise parallel to that of the «constituted» powers). The recent experience of referendums in democratic countries with surprising results requires them to be taken into account when reflecting on a possible constitutional reform affecting the relevant institutes. ; Resumen:Pese a la teórica vinculación de la participación directa a la idea de democracia, la constituyente española fue extraordinariamente prudente en la regulación de los institutos de democracia semidirecta por temor de la izquierda a la repetición de las negativas experiencias históricas en el uso del referéndum; su decidida opción por la democracia representativa quedo fuera de toda duda en los debates parlamentarios. Por ello el texto de 1978 es extraordinariamente sobrio en la aceptación tanto de la iniciativa popular como del referéndum. Y no lo ha sido menos la práctica durante 40 años de estos instrumentos.Sin embargo, las más recientes formaciones políticas presentes en el Parlamento reivindican la importancia de la democracia semidirecta a nivel institucional como en paralelo observamos nuevas formas democráticas en la acción de los propios partidos políticos. Pero no queda claro que se este reivindicando la democracia semidirecta como instrumento de participación popular sino más bien parece invocarse como instrumento de un cambio constitucional al que tienden las nuevas izquierdas, a modo de ejercicio constituyente, sin que sea patente un proyecto de aceptación de tales medios con carácter general (o de ejercicio paralelo al de los poderes «constituidos»).La reciente experiencia de referéndums en países democráticos de nuestro entorno con resultados algo sorprendentes obliga a tenerlos en cuenta a la hora de reflexionar ante una posible reforma constitucional que afecte a los institutos de referencia. Ello explica las referencias comparadas que en el texto se contienen.Summary:I. Again on the idea of participation and democracy. II. Reluctance of the spanish constituent to host institutes of direct and semi-direct democracy. III. Four decades of democratic constitutional regime. IV. Some recent experiences in comparative law. V. On a possible constitutional reform that drives its development: possibilities and risks.Abstract:Despite the theoretical linkage of direct participation to the idea of democracy, the Spanish constituent was extraordinarily prudent in regulating the semi-direct democracy institutes by the fear of the political left to the repetition of the negative historical experiences in the use of the referendum; Its decided option for representative democracy was beyond doubt in parliamentary debates. That is why the 1978 text is extraordinarily sober in the acceptance of both the popular initiative and the referendum. And it has been no less the practice during 40 years of these instruments. However, the most recent political formations present in the Parliament claim the importance of semi-direct democracy at the institutional level, while in parallel we observe new democratic forms in the action of the political parties themselves. But it is not clear that they are claiming semi-direct democracy as an instrument of popular participation, but rather seems to be invoked as an instrument of constitutional change to which the new left tend, as a constituent exercise, without a project of acceptance of such General means (or exercise parallel to that of the «constituted» powers). The recent experience of referendums in democratic countries with surprising results requires them to be taken into account when reflecting on a possible constitutional reform affecting the relevant institutes.