Suchergebnisse

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Series Preface -- 1 Discourse in late modernity -- 2 Social life and critical social science -- 3 Discourse -- 4 The critical analysis of discourse -- 5 Narratives o f late modernity and a research agenda for CDA -- 6 Language, space and time -- 7 Discourse, difference and the openness of the social -- 8 Critical discourse analysis and linguistics -- Bibliography -- Index

The adaptability issues of Western democracy in the context of China have always been an important academic concern. This research was intended to study the adaptability of deliberative democracy in the Chinese context in terms of a normative perspective. At the beginning, this research focused on Habermas's Discourse Theory of Law and Democracy, because it is one of the most discussed normative deliberative democratic theories in China today. Taking into consideration the normativity and ideality of Habermas's theory, Foucault's discourse theory of power relations is then introduced to illustrate the tensions between different Western discourse theories. In order to investigate the adaptabilities of these two discourse theories in the Chinese context, and to balance the tension between them, another normative concept, namely the Confucian Rationality, is then drawn upon from traditional Chinese cultural sources. Accordingly, these three dimensions of discourse theory, as well as the relations between them, are presented. The employment of some empirical descriptions of certain Chinese historical-political facts is also necessary to explain, to supplement, or to question this theoretic framework. Two tension perspectives are critical throughout the research: the tension between universality and particularity, and the tension between normative theories and social-political facts.Through the approaches of textual studies, aided by conceptual and empirical studies as complements, the research is conducted as following: Chapter 1 discusses the tension between Habermas's normative discourse theory of law and democracy and social facts; Chapter 2 analyzes the tension between Habermas's discourse theory and Foucault's discourse theory of power relations, and proposes to rethink the tension problems. Chapter 3 tries to search for the resources in traditional Chinese political cultures, and to put forward another normative discourse theory- the discourse theory of Confucian rationality- to balance the tension between the ...

The adaptability issues of Western democracy in the context of China have always been an important academic concern. This research was intended to study the adaptability of deliberative democracy in the Chinese context in terms of a normative perspective. At the beginning, this research focused on Habermas's Discourse Theory of Law and Democracy, because it is one of the most discussed normative deliberative democratic theories in China today. Taking into consideration the normativity and ideality of Habermas's theory, Foucault's discourse theory of power relations is then introduced to illustrate the tensions between different Western discourse theories. In order to investigate the adaptabilities of these two discourse theories in the Chinese context, and to balance the tension between them, another normative concept, namely the Confucian Rationality, is then drawn upon from traditional Chinese cultural sources. Accordingly, these three dimensions of discourse theory, as well as the relations between them, are presented. The employment of some empirical descriptions of certain Chinese historical-political facts is also necessary to explain, to supplement, or to question this theoretic framework. Two tension perspectives are critical throughout the research: the tension between universality and particularity, and the tension between normative theories and social-political facts.Through the approaches of textual studies, aided by conceptual and empirical studies as complements, the research is conducted as following: Chapter 1 discusses the tension between Habermas's normative discourse theory of law and democracy and social facts; Chapter 2 analyzes the tension between Habermas's discourse theory and Foucault's discourse theory of power relations, and proposes to rethink the tension problems. Chapter 3 tries to search for the resources in traditional Chinese political cultures, and to put forward another normative discourse theory- the discourse theory of Confucian rationality- to balance the tension between the ...

The adaptability issues of Western democracy in the context of China have always been an important academic concern. This research was intended to study the adaptability of deliberative democracy in the Chinese context in terms of a normative perspective. At the beginning, this research focused on Habermas's Discourse Theory of Law and Democracy, because it is one of the most discussed normative deliberative democratic theories in China today. Taking into consideration the normativity and ideality of Habermas's theory, Foucault's discourse theory of power relations is then introduced to illustrate the tensions between different Western discourse theories. In order to investigate the adaptabilities of these two discourse theories in the Chinese context, and to balance the tension between them, another normative concept, namely the Confucian Rationality, is then drawn upon from traditional Chinese cultural sources. Accordingly, these three dimensions of discourse theory, as well as the relations between them, are presented. The employment of some empirical descriptions of certain Chinese historical-political facts is also necessary to explain, to supplement, or to question this theoretic framework. Two tension perspectives are critical throughout the research: the tension between universality and particularity, and the tension between normative theories and social-political facts.Through the approaches of textual studies, aided by conceptual and empirical studies as complements, the research is conducted as following: Chapter 1 discusses the tension between Habermas's normative discourse theory of law and democracy and social facts; Chapter 2 analyzes the tension between Habermas's discourse theory and Foucault's discourse theory of power relations, and proposes to rethink the tension problems. Chapter 3 tries to search for the resources in traditional Chinese political cultures, and to put forward another normative discourse theory- the discourse theory of Confucian rationality- to balance the tension between the foregoing two normative discourse theories. It is argued that an ideal type of Confucian rationality (a kind of normative value rationality) can be used as a bridge between the two opposite discourse theories. Chapter 4 further explains the normative theory that was proposed in Chapter 3, and tries to reexamine and redefine the concepts of ―Public Sphere‖ and ―Deliberative Politics in the context of traditional China through empirical descriptions on the ―Public Sphere‖ and political/legal discussions in traditional Chinese society. Finally,Chapter 5 focuses on the descriptions of the political and legal discussions in China's new media public sphere today. It is an empirical response to all the normative studies mentioned above, and at the same time an investigation on the tensions between the normative theories and the social experiences. We argue that, because of the different cognitive structures and diverse modes of thinking in specific cultures, there should be different normative paradigms of discourse democracy in corresponding cultural contexts. Normativity and reality are the two sides of the same coin. Normative discourse theories serve as the guidance for the practices of deliberative democracy, which can, in its turn, verify, supplement, improve and challenge the normative discourse theories. Apart from demonstrating of the multiple dimensions of discourse theories, another practical intent of this thesis is to promote an approach leading to discourse democracy that would combine elements of both Chinese and modern, consistent with both the fundamental predilections of Chinese civilization, and the practical needs of a modern China. ; Les questions d'adaptabilité de la démocratie occidentale dans le contexte chinois ont toujours été une préoccupation importante. Cette recherche vise à étudier l'adaptabilité de la démocratie délibérative dans le contexte de la chine en termes de perspective normative. Tout d'abord, on s'est concentré sur la Théorie de discussion de droit et démocratie de Habermas, parce que c'est une des théories normatives de délibération démocratique les plus discutées en Chine aujourd'hui. Compte-tenu de la normativité et de l'idéalité de la théorie de Habermas, la théorie du discours des relations de pouvoir de Foucault est introduite pour illustrer la tension entre différentes théories de discours occidentaux. Puis, afin d'enquêter sur les adaptabilités de ces deux théories du discours dans le contexte chinois et d'équilibrer la tension entre les deux, un autre concept normatif, la rationalité confucéenne, est attirée sur des sources culturelles traditionnelles chinoises. En conséquence, trois dimensions de la théorie du discours, ainsi que les relations entre eux, sont présentés. Certaines descriptions empiriques sur les faits de la Chine historique et politique sont également nécessaires d'utilisation pour expliquer, compléter ou interroger ce cadre théorique. Deux perspectives de tension sont toujours critiques dans toute la recherche : la tension entre universalité et particularité et la tension entre les théories normatives et des faits socio-politiques. Grâce à l'approche des études de texte, ainsi que des études de conception et d'études empirique comme suppléments, la recherche est menée comme suit. Le premier chapitre traite de la tension entre la théorie du discours du droit et de la démocratie de Habermas et les faits sociaux. Le chapitre 2 analyse la tension entre la théorie du discours de Habermas et la théorie du discours de Foucault et plaide en faveur de la remise en question des problèmes de tension. Le troisième chapitre tente de rechercher les ressources dans les cultures politiques traditionnelles chinoises et de proposer une autre théorie normative de discours, la théorie du discours de la rationalité confucéenne, pour équilibrer la tension entre les deux précédentes théories normatives de discours. On fait valoir que le type idéal de rationalité confucéenne (un type normatif de rationalité de valeur) peut être utilisé comme un pont de communication entre les deux théories du discours opposées. Le chapitre 4, par des descriptions empiriques sur l'espace publique et les discussions politiques/juridiques dans la société traditionnelles chinoise, explique la théorie normative proposée au chapitre 3 et tente de réexaminer et de redéfinir les notions d'« espace publique » dans le contexte de la Chine traditionnelle. Enfin, le chapitre 5 se concentre sur les descriptions des discussions politiques et juridiques dans l'espace publique des nouveaux médias de la Chine d'aujourd'hui. C'est une réponse empirique pour toutes les études normatives antérieures, et aussi une enquête sur la tension entre les théories normatives et les expériences sociales. Je soutiens que, en raison des différentes structures cognitives et les différents modes de pensée dans les différentes cultures, il devrait y avoir différents paradigmes normatifs de la démocratie du discours dans les différents contextes culturels, et que la normativité et la réalité sont les deux faces d'une même médaille. Les théories normatives du discours sont des guides pour les pratiques de la démocratie délibérative et les pratiques de la démocratie délibératives peuvent vérifier, compléter ou améliorer les théories normatives du discours. Outre la démonstration des dimensions plurielles de théories du discours, une autre intention pratique de cette thèse est de plaider pour une approche de la démocratie délibérative, qui serait à la fois chinoise et moderne.

The adaptability issues of Western democracy in the context of China have always been an important academic concern. This research was intended to study the adaptability of deliberative democracy in the Chinese context in terms of a normative perspective. At the beginning, this research focused on Habermas's Discourse Theory of Law and Democracy, because it is one of the most discussed normative deliberative democratic theories in China today. Taking into consideration the normativity and ideality of Habermas's theory, Foucault's discourse theory of power relations is then introduced to illustrate the tensions between different Western discourse theories. In order to investigate the adaptabilities of these two discourse theories in the Chinese context, and to balance the tension between them, another normative concept, namely the Confucian Rationality, is then drawn upon from traditional Chinese cultural sources. Accordingly, these three dimensions of discourse theory, as well as the relations between them, are presented. The employment of some empirical descriptions of certain Chinese historical-political facts is also necessary to explain, to supplement, or to question this theoretic framework. Two tension perspectives are critical throughout the research: the tension between universality and particularity, and the tension between normative theories and social-political facts.Through the approaches of textual studies, aided by conceptual and empirical studies as complements, the research is conducted as following: Chapter 1 discusses the tension between Habermas's normative discourse theory of law and democracy and social facts; Chapter 2 analyzes the tension between Habermas's discourse theory and Foucault's discourse theory of power relations, and proposes to rethink the tension problems. Chapter 3 tries to search for the resources in traditional Chinese political cultures, and to put forward another normative discourse theory- the discourse theory of Confucian rationality- to balance the tension between the foregoing two normative discourse theories. It is argued that an ideal type of Confucian rationality (a kind of normative value rationality) can be used as a bridge between the two opposite discourse theories. Chapter 4 further explains the normative theory that was proposed in Chapter 3, and tries to reexamine and redefine the concepts of ―Public Sphere‖ and ―Deliberative Politics in the context of traditional China through empirical descriptions on the ―Public Sphere‖ and political/legal discussions in traditional Chinese society. Finally,Chapter 5 focuses on the descriptions of the political and legal discussions in China's new media public sphere today. It is an empirical response to all the normative studies mentioned above, and at the same time an investigation on the tensions between the normative theories and the social experiences. We argue that, because of the different cognitive structures and diverse modes of thinking in specific cultures, there should be different normative paradigms of discourse democracy in corresponding cultural contexts. Normativity and reality are the two sides of the same coin. Normative discourse theories serve as the guidance for the practices of deliberative democracy, which can, in its turn, verify, supplement, improve and challenge the normative discourse theories. Apart from demonstrating of the multiple dimensions of discourse theories, another practical intent of this thesis is to promote an approach leading to discourse democracy that would combine elements of both Chinese and modern, consistent with both the fundamental predilections of Chinese civilization, and the practical needs of a modern China. ; Les questions d'adaptabilité de la démocratie occidentale dans le contexte chinois ont toujours été une préoccupation importante. Cette recherche vise à étudier l'adaptabilité de la démocratie délibérative dans le contexte de la chine en termes de perspective normative. Tout d'abord, on s'est concentré sur la Théorie de discussion de droit et démocratie de Habermas, parce que c'est une des théories normatives de délibération démocratique les plus discutées en Chine aujourd'hui. Compte-tenu de la normativité et de l'idéalité de la théorie de Habermas, la théorie du discours des relations de pouvoir de Foucault est introduite pour illustrer la tension entre différentes théories de discours occidentaux. Puis, afin d'enquêter sur les adaptabilités de ces deux théories du discours dans le contexte chinois et d'équilibrer la tension entre les deux, un autre concept normatif, la rationalité confucéenne, est attirée sur des sources culturelles traditionnelles chinoises. En conséquence, trois dimensions de la théorie du discours, ainsi que les relations entre eux, sont présentés. Certaines descriptions empiriques sur les faits de la Chine historique et politique sont également nécessaires d'utilisation pour expliquer, compléter ou interroger ce cadre théorique. Deux perspectives de tension sont toujours critiques dans toute la recherche : la tension entre universalité et particularité et la tension entre les théories normatives et des faits socio-politiques. Grâce à l'approche des études de texte, ainsi que des études de conception et d'études empirique comme suppléments, la recherche est menée comme suit. Le premier chapitre traite de la tension entre la théorie du discours du droit et de la démocratie de Habermas et les faits sociaux. Le chapitre 2 analyse la tension entre la théorie du discours de Habermas et la théorie du discours de Foucault et plaide en faveur de la remise en question des problèmes de tension. Le troisième chapitre tente de rechercher les ressources dans les cultures politiques traditionnelles chinoises et de proposer une autre théorie normative de discours, la théorie du discours de la rationalité confucéenne, pour équilibrer la tension entre les deux précédentes théories normatives de discours. On fait valoir que le type idéal de rationalité confucéenne (un type normatif de rationalité de valeur) peut être utilisé comme un pont de communication entre les deux théories du discours opposées. Le chapitre 4, par des descriptions empiriques sur l'espace publique et les discussions politiques/juridiques dans la société traditionnelles chinoise, explique la théorie normative proposée au chapitre 3 et tente de réexaminer et de redéfinir les notions d'« espace publique » dans le contexte de la Chine traditionnelle. Enfin, le chapitre 5 se concentre sur les descriptions des discussions politiques et juridiques dans l'espace publique des nouveaux médias de la Chine d'aujourd'hui. C'est une réponse empirique pour toutes les études normatives antérieures, et aussi une enquête sur la tension entre les théories normatives et les expériences sociales. Je soutiens que, en raison des différentes structures cognitives et les différents modes de pensée dans les différentes cultures, il devrait y avoir différents paradigmes normatifs de la démocratie du discours dans les différents contextes culturels, et que la normativité et la réalité sont les deux faces d'une même médaille. Les théories normatives du discours sont des guides pour les pratiques de la démocratie délibérative et les pratiques de la démocratie délibératives peuvent vérifier, compléter ou améliorer les théories normatives du discours. Outre la démonstration des dimensions plurielles de théories du discours, une autre intention pratique de cette thèse est de plaider pour une approche de la démocratie délibérative, qui serait à la fois chinoise et moderne.

"This book brings together contributions that scrutinize the relation between the material and the discursive. Highlighting the materiality of discourse and the entanglement of matter and meaning, the volume explores how a materialist discourse analysis and theory can be put into practice"--

The 2007 international economic crisis may have begun in capitalism's heartland with credit default swops and sub-prime mortages, nevertheless some of its most dramatic manifestations have been at the edge. In Europe, the peripheral economies of Iceland, Greece and Ireland have manifested crises that have shaken Europe to the core, and generated crisis discourse that may well prove central. Certainly previous talk of crisis seem to have been key to political change processes in the past (Hay, 1996; Mårtenson and Lindhoff, 1998).While there has been some initial analysis of the discursive response to the economic crisis (Hartz, 2010; O'Rourke, 2010) this paper focuses on what some have considered the most conservative of 'frames' through which the crisis has been viewed (Thompson, 2009: 523): enterprise discourse. Furthermore this work concentrates on enterprise discourse in a post-celtic tiger crisis-ridden Ireland. Ireland is an economy, society and culture at the edge. On the one hand Ireland is on the edge of the USA /UK model. It is English-speaking, has a common law tradition, an Anglo-American banking model, low corporate tax rates and strong cultural and economic ties with both the USA and the UK. On the other hand, Ireland is also on the edge of mainland Europe with its membership of the Euro, its social Partnership model of labour relations until 2009, its early adoption of European Labour rights, generally pro-European stance and its historic cultural and economic ties to the continent. Enterprise discourse in Ireland is influenced by both USA/UK and European Union (EU) developments. However, Irish enterprise discourse is not merely a 'local adoption'. For example, during the 'Celtic Tiger' period (1987-2007), high Irish economic growth rates have coincided with the development of the EU's enterprise policy, thus giving the impression that Ireland could serve as a model of development. Since the crisis Ireland, numbered among the 'PIGS' (Totaro, 2010) or 'GIPSY' club (Gros, 2010), has been represented both as a model victim of free-market fundamentalism (Krugman, 2010) and as a model of how public expenditure should be drastically cut (Halligan, 2010; Tett, 2010). Thus an examination of enterprise discourse in Ireland is of concern to more than residents of Ireland. References Gros, D. 2010. Adjustment Difficulties in the GIPSY Club. http://ssrn.com/paper=1604568 (accessed 03 January, 2011). Halligan, L. 2010. Servicing our debt is tough now, but it's only going to get tougher. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/comment/7870200/Servicing-our-debt-is-tough-now-but-its-only-going-to-get-tougher.html (accessed 4 July 2010). Hartz, R. 2010. Crisis, what Crisis? A reconstruction of the discursive formation of the economic crisis in Germany. In: Reed , C. , Keenoy, T. ,Oswick, C., Sabelis, I., and Ybema, S.: Organizational Discourse: Crisis, Corruption, Character and Change, London: KMCP, pp. 98-99. Hay, C. 1996. Narrating Crisis: The Discursive Construction of the `Winter of Discontent'. Sociology, 30(2), 253-277. Krugman, P. 2010. An Irish Mirror. http://www.nytimes.com/2010/03/08/opinion/08krugman.html (accessed 8 July 2010) Mårtenson, B. and Lindhoff, H. 1998. State, Market, Crisis: Swedish News Journalism on the Economy. Nordicom Review 19(1), 85-100. O'Rourke, B. K. 2010. Discourse at the Edge: Enterprise Discourse in Ireland. In: Reed , C. , Keenoy, T. ,Oswick, C., Sabelis, I., and Ybema, S.: Organizational Discourse: Crisis, Corruption, Character and Change, London: KMCP, pp. 167-168. Tett, G. 2010. Irish treat pain of crisis like a hangover, Financial Times. London. http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/a819bfc8-5d27-11df-8373-00144feab49a.html#axzz19iBXdWFG (accessed 31 September 2010) Thompson, G. 2009. What's in the frame? How the financial crisis is being packaged for public consumption. Economy and Society, 38(3), 520-524. Totaro, L. 2010. The 'I' in 'Pigs' Stands for Ireland, Not Italy (Update2); http://www.businessweek.com/news/2010-02-05/the-i-in-pigs-is-ireland-not-italy-unicredit-report-says.html (accessed 29 June, 2010)

On distingue habituellement dans la communication deux types d'information: le contenu primaire ou linguistique, et le secondaire, appelé expression. C'est ce dernier qui fait l'objet d'étude de la phonostylistique actuelle. Cette discipline essaie de confirmer l'existence de phonostyles, selon des critères géographiques, sociales et culturels entre autres. Elle analyse les formes phoniques d'expressivité utilisées dans l'acte de parole et les impressions qu'elles produisent sur l'auditeur. La phonostylistique traditionnelle étudiait essentiellement le discours littéraire, la mise en parole de ce qui avait été déjà écrit et formalisé, en négligeant le discours spontané. De nos jours, le champ d'étude de cette discipline s'est élargi grâce à l'avènement de l'analyse du discours et elle s'occupe donc de l'oral spontané aussi bien que du style oralisé, c'est-à-dire que le type de discours utilisé pour l'analyse va au-delà du littéraire. Le matériel phonique étudié est alors devenu éclectique et appartient à de différents types de discours: radiophonique, politique, des snobs, des jeunes, d'une profession spécifique, etc. L'objectif de ce travail est d'intégrer et d'appliquer les connaissances acquises pendant les cours de Phonétique et phonologie française I et Phonétique et phonologie française II afin de réaliser une analyse du phonostyle de Manuel Valls, ancien Premier ministre de France, en tant qu'homme politique, et de souligner l'influence du contexte social et de l'image qu'il veut transmettre de lui-même sur sa production phonique. ; Trabajo publicado en Caldiz, A. y Rafaelli, V. (coords.) (2020). Exploraciones fonolingüísticas. V Jornadas Internacionales de Fonética y Fonología y I Jornadas Nacionales de Fonética y Discurso . ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

Intro -- Title -- Contents -- Book I. -- Preface -- I. Of the Beginnings of Cities in General, and in Particular of that of Rome -- II. Of the Various Kinds of Government -- And to Which of Them the Roman Commonwealth Belonged -- III. Of the Accients Which Led in Rome to the Creation of Tribunes of the People -- Whereby the Republic Was Made More Perfect -- IV. That the Dissensions Between the Senate and Commons of Rome, Made Rome Free and Powerful -- V. Whether the Guardianship of Public Freedom Is Safer in the Hands of the Commons or of the Nobles -- And Whether Those Who Seek to Acquire Power or They Who Seek to Maintain It Are the Greater Cause of Commotions -- VI. Whether It Was Possible in Rome to Contrive Such a Government As Would Have Composed the Differences Between the Commons and the Senate -- VII. That to Preserve Liberty in a state There Must Exist the Right to Accuse -- VIII. That Calumny Is As Hurtful in a Commonwealth as the Power to Accuse Is Useful -- IX. That to Give New Institutons to a Commonwealth, or to Reconstruct Old Institutions on an Entirely New Basis, Must Be the Work of One Man -- X. That in Proportion As the Founder of a Kingdom or Commonwealth Merits Praise, He Who Founds a Tyranny Deserves Blame -- XI. Of the Religion of the Romans -- XII. That It Is of Much Moment to Make Account of Religion -- and that Italy, Through the Roman Church, Being Wanting Therein, Has Been Ruined -- XIII. Of the Use the Romans Made of Religion in Giving Institutions to Their City, in Carrying Out Their Enterprises, and in Quelling Tumults -- XIV. That the Romans Interpreted the Auspices To Meet the Occasion -- And Made a Prudent Show of Observing the Rites of Religion Even When Forced to Disregard Them -- And Any Who Rashly Slighted Religion They Punished.