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Like Fernand Leger at the 1933 CIAM IV, I find myself invited to this conference as an interloper: not as a painter, but as an art historian among architects, to deliver, like Leger, a "Discours aux architectes". A few years ago I published a book that tried to present an overview of anti-modernism in France between the two world wars. My argument was —succinctly put–– that reactionary issues such as the return to the soil, anti-urbanism, the questioning of technology and their ideological corollaries— agrarianism, regionalism, Corporatism— had a profound impact not only on mainstream French culture but on French modernism in the aftermath of World War I. This was the country that although victorious had been destroyed was thus psychologically and historically most inclined to try to restore its patrimoine. The Great Depression had only intensified the French disenchantment with industrialization. The "rural" came to occupy a crucial place in the French imagination in the 1930s. All these tendencies, I argued, slid imperceptibly, into the Fascist ideology of Vichy. The one other European country that played a role in my account was Spain. Spain, I claimed, functioned for the French as a purer, benign, less-industrialized, alter-ego in the 1930s, and indeed in the "imaginaire" of both the political Left and Right. Spain was the antithesis to the overly industrialized and commodified society of the United States. ; El artículo retorna sobre el profundo impacto que produjeron los temas reaccionarios en la modernidad francesa tras la Primera Guerra Mundial. Para ello, considera el regionalismo en las permutaciones de la Segunda Guerra Mundial y explica sus diferentes significados en Italia y Alemania como base interpretativa para el caso de España. Aplica la distinción entre el regionalismo, el parroquialismo y el provincialismo, considera su susceptibilidad a las condiciones de neo-, pseudo-, y faux-, y diferencia los conceptos de hibricidad y eclecticismo Beaux-Arts. Estas condiciones llevan a su fin la distancia de la obra de Le corbusier con el regionalismo en los años 30. Después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial lo vernacular reemplazó al regionalismo y Gran Bretaña emergió por su posición insular respecto a la vanguardia histórica europea, que por su antagonismo entre el romanticismo, nuevo humanismo, nuevo empirismo, nueva pintoresca y el abandono atropellado vernacular del nuevo brutalismo, consigue crear una ruptura con los años de entreguerras.

Dieses Buch bietet zum ersten Mal eine auf dem Fundament der Kritischen Diskursanalyse stehende internationale Sammlung feministischer Studien, die sich umfassend mit aktuellen Geschlechterhierarchien auseinandersetzen und dabei zwei Aspekte in den Vordergrund rücken: Auf der einen Seite zeigen die Beiträge die Hartnäckigkeit nach wie vor existierender Ungleichheiten zwischen den Geschlechtern auf. Auf der anderen Seite betonen sie deren heterogene und vielschichtige Ausformung je nach institutionellem, kulturellem und geographischem Kontext. Indem die Aufsätze gegenwärtige Strukturen und Ideologien der Vergeschlechtlichung verdeutlichen und die fortbestehende Relevanz von Geschlechteridentitäten und Restriktionen, denen Frauen weiterhin in ihrem alltäglichen Leben unterworfen sind, ausleuchten, stellen sie herrschende post-egalitäre Annahmen zum aktuellen Geschlechterverhältnisses infrage. Dabei werden diese Geschlechter-Aspekte auch in ihrer Verzahnung mit anderen Herrschaftsstrukturen diskutiert, die in den jeweiligen lokalen Kontexten, in denen solche Identitäten hergestellt, verhandelt oder herausgefordert werden, involviert sind. Mit seinen diskursanalytischen Einsichten in den Zusammenhang von Macht, Geschlecht und Ideologie ist der vorliegende Band hinsichtlich der daraus resultierenden theoretischen und analytischen Folgerungen für die feministische Forschung wie für die Kritische Diskursanalyse von besonderer Bedeutung.

This paper analyses the influence of ideologies on political discourse, in terms not only of content but also of form and interaction, defining ideology in the broadest sense of basic beliefs shared by members of a group and understanding political discourse to be a class of genres defined by a social domain, namely that of politics. The ways in which ideologically based beliefs are exhibited in discourse and discursive evidence in the interplay of several ideologies are analysed in the form of a debate on asylum seekers in the British House of Commons. Parliamentary debates are particularly revealing for these purposes because their text and content exhibit the social cognitions of political parties and their members. An analysis of this particular debate shows how political discourse in general, and parliamentary debates in particular, are replete with ideological expressions and rhetorical tropes at all levels. ; This paper analyses the influence of ideologies on political discourse, in terms not only of content but also of form and interaction, defining ideology in the broadest sense of basic beliefs shared by members of a group and understanding political discourse to be a class of genres defined by a social domain, namely that of politics. The ways in which ideologically based beliefs are exhibited in discourse and discursive evidence in the interplay of several ideologies are analysed in the form of a debate on asylum seekers in the British House of Commons. Parliamentary debates are particularly revealing for these purposes because their text and content exhibit the social cognitions of political parties and their members. An analysis of this particular debate shows how political discourse in general, and parliamentary debates in particular, are replete with ideological expressions and rhetorical tropes at all levels.

This paper analyses the influence of ideologies on political discourse, in terms not only of content but also of form and interaction, defining ideology in the broadest sense of basic beliefs shared by members of a group and understanding political discourse to be a class of genres defined by a social domain, namely that of politics. The ways in which ideologically based beliefs are exhibited in discourse and discursive evidence in the interplay of several ideologies are analysed in the form of a debate on asylum seekers in the British House of Commons. Parliamentary debates are particularly revealing for these purposes because their text and content exhibit the social cognitions of political parties and their members. An analysis of this particular debate shows how political discourse in general, and parliamentary debates in particular, are replete with ideological expressions and rhetorical tropes at all levels. ; This paper analyses the influence of ideologies on political discourse, in terms not only of content but also of form and interaction, defining ideology in the broadest sense of basic beliefs shared by members of a group and understanding political discourse to be a class of genres defined by a social domain, namely that of politics. The ways in which ideologically based beliefs are exhibited in discourse and discursive evidence in the interplay of several ideologies are analysed in the form of a debate on asylum seekers in the British House of Commons. Parliamentary debates are particularly revealing for these purposes because their text and content exhibit the social cognitions of political parties and their members. An analysis of this particular debate shows how political discourse in general, and parliamentary debates in particular, are replete with ideological expressions and rhetorical tropes at all levels.

This paper analyses the influence of ideologies on political discourse, in terms not only of content but also of form and interaction, defining ideology in the broadest sense of basic beliefs shared by members of a group and understanding political discourse to be a class of genres defined by a social domain, namely that of politics. The ways in which ideologically based beliefs are exhibited in discourse and discursive evidence in the interplay of several ideologies are analysed in the form of a debate on asylum seekers in the British House of Commons. Parliamentary debates are particularly revealing for these purposes because their text and content exhibit the social cognitions of political parties and their members. An analysis of this particular debate shows how political discourse in general, and parliamentary debates in particular, are replete with ideological expressions and rhetorical tropes at all levels.

Este artículo analiza en detalle algunas de las categorías semióticas más importantes para describir el discurso político. Modalidades como "puede", "saber" y "debería" se integran en una perspectiva estratégica. Este tipo de discurso puede analizarse en una perspectiva textual, que debe incluir –en la teoría de Austin– los actos de habla, los actos de lingüística performativa y la fuerza ilocucionaria. Se muestra el desempeño y las competencias de los actores políticos. Los enunciados políticos son el resultado de una serie de interacciones semióticas, con el fin de manipular, seducir y convencer a la audiencia. La construcción de legitimidad y autoridad es el resultado de una compleja estrategia de discurso. ; This article takes a detailed look at some of the most important semiotic categories to describe political discourse. Modalities as "can' "know' "would" and "ought to" are integrated in a strategic perspective. This kind of discourse can be analyzed in a textual perspective, which must include –in Austin's theory– the speech acts, the performative linguistics acts, and the illocutionary force. Performance and competencies of the political actors are shown. Political statements are the result of a series of semiotic interactions, in order to manipulate, seduce and convince the audience. The construction of legitimacy and authority is the result of a complex discourse strategy. ; Fil: Fabbri, Paolo. Facultad de Arte y Diseño de la Universidad IUAV de Venecia; Italia. ; Fil: Marcarino, Aurelia. Universidad de Urbino; Italia.

Althusser'sQue Faire?(2018) allows for a critical revision of the "discursive turn" in current social and political theory. As Pêcheux shows, the influences of Spinoza and Freud can be recognized and elaborated on to develop aclinicaltheory of discourse capable of taking into account overdetermination and class struggle in a rigorous way.

"Si l'analyse du discours est, depuis plusieurs années déjà, l'un des domaines les plus fertiles de la linguistique et le point de rencontre de bon nombre de disciplines qui contribuent à son développement, à partir de points de vue différents, l'analyse du discours politique est à présent l'un de ses courants les plus productifs. Cet intérêt est pleinement justifié : en effet, le discours politique, sous d'innombrables formes et à travers de multiples moyens de diffusion, est plus que jamais l'une des manifestations les plus représentatives de la vie des sociétés actuelles, immergées dans une période de crise et d'évolution aux conséquences et aux résultats incertains. Ce volume présente les contributions de chercheurs de diverses origines géographiques, culturelles et scientifiques, réalisées dans le cadre d'une rencontre de spécialistes célébrée à l'Université de Zaragoza (Espagne), en novembre 2015 et organisée par le Laboratoire DICLEF."--Page 4 of cover

Microanalysis represents both a distinctive methodology and a dis- tinctive way of thinking about communication. Its application to the analysis of political discourse is discussed in relation to three key concepts: the social skills model of social interaction; face and facework; the role of social context (especially genres of communication). Through microanalytic techniques the communicative skills of politicians can be analysed, in particular their ability to perform effective facework in different social contexts. ; El microanálisis representa tanto una metodología como una manera distintiva de interpretar la comunicación. En este artículo se estudia su aplicación al análisis del discurso político en relación a tres conceptos claves: el modelo de destrezas sociales de la interacción social, la imagen y la labor de la imagen, y el papel del contexto social (especialmente géneros de comunicación). A través de las técnicas del microanálisis se pueden analizar las destrezas comunicativas de los políticos, en concreto sus capacidades para llevar a cabo una labor de la imagen efectiva en diferentes contextos sociales.

The present work aims to point out some possible tasks for the Karl-Otto Apel´s discourse ethics today. Such tasks may concentrate on the need for a theory of the institutionalization of practical discourse, as a form of socially realized practical rationality. The question that has to be answered is what frame conditions should be found in the discourse so that it can be put into practice and what political-institutional effects it can produce in the context of really existing institutions. Starting with Gehlen and Luhmann -although to a lesser extent-, Apel interprets institutions as systems of self-affirmation that, on the one hand, free the subjects from the burden of action, but, on the other hand, limit or determine the consensual-argumentative rationality of discourse. The functional coercions (Sachzwänge) of the institutions configure a field of action and a type of rationality that, according to Apel, should be under the control of institutionalized discourse as a rational public sphere (Öffentlichkeit). The relationship between the ideal normative criteria of the institutionalized practical discourse and the existing institutions must be interpreted as a non-surmountable dialectical tension or intertwining. If this interpretation is correct, the discourse ethics, as a critical theory of society, cannot be understood as an application without more ideal normative criteria to the historical reality or adaptation of that reality to ideal criteria in its vertical sense, but as a mutual horizontal correlation.

The present work aims to point out some possible tasks for the Karl-Otto Apel´s discourse ethics today. Such tasks may concentrate on the need for a theory of the institutionalization of practical discourse, as a form of socially realized practical rationality. The question that has to be answered is what frame conditions should be found in the discourse so that it can be put into practice and what political-institutional effects it can produce in the context of really existing institutions. Starting with Gehlen and Luhmann -although to a lesser extent-, Apel interprets institutions as systems of self-affirmation that, on the one hand, free the subjects from the burden of action, but, on the other hand, limit or determine the consensual-argumentative rationality of discourse. The functional coercions (Sachzwänge) of the institutions configure a field of action and a type of rationality that, according to Apel, should be under the control of institutionalized discourse as a rational public sphere (Öffentlichkeit). The relationship between the ideal normative criteria of the institutionalized practical discourse and the existing institutions must be interpreted as a non-surmountable dialectical tension or intertwining. If this interpretation is correct, the discourse ethics, as a critical theory of society, cannot be understood as an application without more ideal normative criteria to the historical reality or adaptation of that reality to ideal criteria in its vertical sense, but as a mutual horizontal correlation.

This paper aims to explore the potential of political cartoon discourse for creativity, critique and persuasion, in the representation of social actors and events and in the evaluation of the consequences of Brexit. The paper focuses on the use and interaction of metaphors, metonymies, blending strategies, and cultural models in cartoons depicting the Brexit conundrum, from the perspective of Critical Metaphor Analysis (CMA) (Charteris-Black 2011; Musolff 2012) and Multimodal Critical Discourse Analysis (MCDS) (Machin 2013). The case study adopts an integrated multifaceted framework in the analysis of a representative sample of cartoons selected from quality newspapers, published in the UK. The aim is to reveal the synergistic interplay in: (a) the use of metaphors, metonymies, blending strategies, and cultural models in the depiction of social actors, phenomena and events; (b) the features of creativity in the expression of political commentary by professional cartoonists (novelty, recontextualization); and (c) the role of political cartoons in the critique and challenge of political power, by creating counter-narratives and acting as vehicles of persuasion.

Along with a considerable increase of thepeople involved in studying Chinese culture andChinese language, Confucius Institute, initiallyfounded in 2004 in Seoul, South Korea,provoked different reactions regarding to themanagement and the activity held. Especiallyon American press, the debate focused on whatthe real aim of the project consists in, has beenretained responsible for political propagandaand a threat for the academic freedom. Soonthe debate involved reporters, journalists,Chinese Studies experts, sinologists andConfucius Institutes directors from every part ofthe world, leading the debate to aninternational dimension. 32 articles publishedsince 2010 on the Italian national newspapers,periodicals, specialized website and onlinechannels, have been collected and examined inorder to propose a critical analysis on how theimage of Confucius Institute is perceived in Italythrough examining the discourse of the Italianpress and the voices of the experts in the press.

This study provides a critical discourse analysis of election advertisements in Jordanian society before and after the political uprisings in the Arab world, referred to as the "Arabic Spring", which started in 2011. It is argued here that these events have left traces on political advertisement. This study aims to uncover the shifts in discourse that have occurred in election advertisements since 2011. To this end, a sum of 150 advertisements from three election campaigns 2007, 2010 and 2013 was collected from different media sources during the campaigns of those elections. The data were analyzed both qualitatively and quantitatively. The analysis showed that the advertisements of 2013 elections manifested different strategies, addressing mostly sociopolitical issues, compared to the other two elections which showed little political concern and focused on socio-economic issues. It is hoped that this study will contribute to cross cultural understanding, multimodality and critical discourse analysis.

This paper aims at exploring the ambivalence of Ngugi's cultural discourse in Moving the Centre. The major assumption held in this paper is that Ngugi's Universalist rhetoric is in stark opposition with his nativist discourse, with its Afrocentric undertones. Most of Ngugi's essays betray a cultural essentialism, first evidenced in his Manichean rhetoric. As will be demonstrated, Ngugi ' s collection of essays falls within the range of post-colonial counter hegemonic discourse, and bears the stamp of a strong cultural resistance.Ngugi's ambivalent discourse resides in his advocacy of cultural globalism together with his defence of cultural politics exclusively Pan-African and Third worldist. Another contention held in this paper is that despite the fact that Ngugi preaches cultural dialogue, he does not attempt to promote cross-cultural understanding, since he insists on cultural separatism, between the First and the Third World, and along class lines. Ngugi's multiculturalist agenda, being discriminatory, is henceforth, contradictory with the logic of a Universalist discourse. Cross-cultural understanding can only be promoted through a global dialogical intercultural approach. ; Este artículo pretende explorar la ambivalencia del discurso cultural de Moving the Centre, de Ngugi. La principal propuesta que mantengo aquí es que la retórica universalista de Ngugi se opone frontalmente al discurso nativista, con su trasfondo afrocéntrico. La mayoría de los ensayos de Ngugi traicionan el esencialismo cultural, que queda manifiesto en su retórica maniquea. Como se pretende demostrar, esta colección de ensayos entra en el ámbito del discurso postcolonial contrahegemónico y lleva el sello de una fuerte resistencia cultural.El discuso ambivalente de Ngugi radica en su defensa del globalismo cultural además de su defensa de la política cultural exclusivamente pan-africana y tercermundista. Otra idea que se sostiene en este artículo es que a pesar de que Ngugi predica a favor del diálogo cultural, no intenta fomentar el entendimiento intercultural, puesto que insiste en la separación cultural entre el Primer y el Tercer Mundo, además de las distinciones de clases. La agenda cultural de Ngugi, además de ser discriminatoria, es, por lo tanto, contradictoria con la lógica de un discurso universalista. El entendimiento intercultural tan solo se puede potenciar con un enfoque intercultural dialógico global.