CRIMEN: časopis za krivične nauke : journal for criminal justice
ISSN: 2683-5800
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ISSN: 2683-5800
In: Cuestiones Políticas; Edición de octubre de 2022, Band 40, Heft 74, S. 779-803
ISSN: 2542-3185
The purpose of the article was to consider the main development trends in certain elements of the criminal justice system, which were integrated due to Russia's large-scale attack on the sovereign territories of Ukraine. The subject of the article is the institution of the reform of the Ukrainian criminal justice system. The legal bases ensuring the functioning of criminal justice institutions (in particular, the investigative bodies) are examined and the corresponding conceptual and categorical apparatus is analyzed. A review of selected elements of the criminal justice system during the war is conducted. The influence and significance of Ukraine's acquisition of EU candidate membership status on the functioning of certain elements of the criminal justice system is clarified. Finally, the content and essence of the main requirements of the EU to Ukraine, which can be the basis for conducting negotiations on the issue of Ukraine's final accession to the organization, are characterized. In the conclusions, directions and methods of reforming certain elements of the criminal justice system in the conditions of large-scale invasion are described.
In: Cuestiones Políticas, Band 37, Heft 65, S. 74-81
ISSN: 2542-3185
The objective of the research was to analyze some international standards for the safety of people who attend criminal justice from different approaches and perspectives of analysis. Based on a meaningful analysis of the provisions of international and regional regulatory legal acts, the document presents approaches to the formation of standards to ensure the safety of persons who contribute to criminal justice. Methodologically, the work applied the provisions of dialectics, general, special and particular scientific methods. In the course of the study, scientific-historical, formal-legal, formal-logical, systemic and comparative methods were also used. It is concluded that the system of security measures for people who cooperate with criminal justice has significant differences in the different national criminal justice systems, which complicates international relations and cooperation in this area and does not allow the international community to advise effectively and comprehensively, while continuously generating challenges and threats.
The present work has attempted to analyze sexual crimes and especially the crime of male rape. The international jurisprudence of international criminal Tribunals and the International Criminal Court has tried to qualify rape either as a crime of genocide in the form of serious bodily and physical injuries, even if not necessarily permanent (lett. b) art. 6 of the Rome Statute; or as a crime against humanity where there are elements of context and above all material elements that emerge from the definitions given by the ad hoc Tribunals and the elements of crimes; or even as a war crime in case it is implemented as a part of a political plan or design, or as part of series of similar crimes committed on a large scale. This behavior is rebuilt in a residual way compared to that of sexual violence, according to a gender specific relationship to speciem. The indication of the level of gravity of the crime is necessary for the relevance of sexual violence and rape as crimes against humanity that we will see in the next years from the panorama of international criminal law.
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This paper deals with the concept of Restorative Justice, from the theory of criminal law as a response to crime and its practical development in connection with the principles guaranteeing the rights, uncritical parties. At present, there is a tendency of traditional justice to the derivation formulas that favour the agreement between victim and offender, in some cases with community involvement. European law has encouraged Mediation and other restorative methods, through Recommendations and Directives must transposition for member states. A description and analysis of the Spanish legislation in relation to restorative justice, both positive law and draft laws, in order to present the current state of affairs in our country, and an assessment is also done not without certain implicit subjectivity towards an integration of this new conception of justice in our criminal justice system. ; [Tercer accésit. Premios de artículos jurídicos «GARCÍA GOYENA» (Curso 2014-2015)]El trabajo versa sobre el concepto de Justicia Restaurativa, desde la teoría del derecho penal como respuesta al delito y su desarrollo práctico, en conexión con los principios que garantizan los derechos, no exentos de críticas. En la actualidad, existe una tendencia de la justicia tradicional a la derivación a fórmulas que favorecen el acuerdo entre víctima y victimario, en algunos casos con implicación de la comunidad. El derecho europeo ha fomentado la Mediación y otros métodos restaurativos, a través de Recomendaciones y también Directivas, de obligada transposición para los estados miembros. Se realiza también una descripción y análisis de la normativa española en relación a la Justicia Restaurativa, tanto desde el derecho positivo como de los proyectos normativos, con el objeto de presentar el estado actual de la cuestión, así como una valoración, no exenta de cierta subjetividad implícita hacia una integración de esta nueva concepción de la Justicia en nuestro sistema de Justicia Penal.This paper deals with the concept of Restorative Justice, from the theory of criminal law as a response to crime and its practical development in connection with the principles guaranteeing the rights, uncritical parties. At present, there is a tendency of traditional justice to the derivation formulas that favour the agreement between victim and offender, in some cases with community involvement. European law has encouraged Mediation and other restorative methods, through Recommendations and Directives must transposition for member states. A description and analysis of the Spanish legislation in relation to restorative justice, both positive law and draft laws, in order to present the current state of affairs in our country, and an assessment is also done not without certain implicit subjectivity towards an integration of this new conception of justice in our criminal justice system.
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In: Cuestiones Políticas, Band 39, Heft 71, S. 957-971
ISSN: 2542-3185
The purpose of the article is to define the concept, system and content of fair justice standards and outline their relationship to standards of evidence in criminal proceedings. The purpose of the study is to reveal the content of the right to a fair trial, distinguish fair justice standards and establish its relationship with standards of evidence in criminal proceedings. The research methodology consists of comparative law, structural system methods and formal legal methods. The study found that testing standards are covered by justice standards, expanding, specifying, and clarifying their content. The content of the fair justice standards "examination of the case by an independent and impartial tribunal established by law", "adversarial procedure", "equality of the parties", "frankness of the examination of evidence", "presumption of innocence" and reveals the "motivation of judicial decisions". It is concluded that each of these concepts is a heuristic contribution to test standards. As a result of the study, the author's definition of the concept of "fair justice standards" is formulated and the concept is based on its relationship with the standards of evidence in criminal proceedings.
In: Cuestiones Políticas, Band 39, Heft 69, S. 462-474
ISSN: 2542-3185
The purpose of the article is to study the formation of the covert investigation institution in the criminal justice system of Ukraine. The subject of research is the prerequisites for the establishment of this institution in Ukraine. Research methods are chosen considering the stated purpose and tasks, object, and topic of the study. Consequently, the article uses general and specific scientific methods. Among the results of the research, the realization of an analysis of the international experience of operation of similar institutions in developed countries stands out. Problematic issues of the formation of the covert investigation institution in Ukraine are identified. In conclusion, it is noted that Ukraine has opted for a covert investigation system, the mechanism of which is more geared towards solving crimes - "incidents", when it is not necessary to hide the fact of the investigation. In terms of the practical implications, the peculiarities of the operation of the covert investigation institution in the criminal justice system of Ukraine are highlighted and, based on the investigation carried out, the definition of the perpetrators of the mentioned legal category is offered.
The presidency of the Frente Amplio in 2005 generated high expectations in large part of Uruguayan society. Due to their "sensibility", a shift towards the rights approach and a process of decriminalization was expected. In the beginning, the new government made substantial changes, although not without tension and brakes. Then, perhaps surprisingly, heavy-handed policies were increased. The "adolescents" were, among others, the recipients of the punitive turn, even though they had far from explaining crime and criminality. The present research intends to problematize these subjects studying the left-wing criminal policies in the case of the special juvenile justice system during the governments of the Frente Amplio (2005-2020) in Uruguay. It is about showing the "sensibilities" that guided the criminal public policies of the government party and the possible explanations for this. The research realizes a descriptive study based on the triangulation of quantitative and qualitative research techniques. ; El ascenso del Frente Amplio en el año 2005 a la presidencia del Uruguay generó grandes expectativas en buena parte de la sociedad uruguaya, que auguraba transformaciones sustantivas en el país. La sensibilidad de izquierdas del partido de gobierno anunciaba la incorporación del enfoque de derechos en la legislación nacional, el proceso judicial y las instituciones de ejecución de medidas, además de un amplio proceso de descriminalización y profundización en los problemas sociales y educativos. Al inicio del gobierno se realizaron cambios sustantivos, aunque no sin tensiones y frenos. Luego, paulatinamente se desarrolló una política de endurecimiento coercitivo, penal y policiaco, ante el crecimiento continuo de los principales indicadores de criminalidad (homicidios, rapiñas y hurtos). En este contexto, algunas adolescencias fueron receptoras del "giro punitivo progresista", a pesar de que la evidencia disponible sostiene que las y los adolescentes están muy distantes de explicar el delito y la criminalidad nacional. Así las cosas, el presente texto se propone problematizar la política criminal progresista para el caso del sistema de responsabilidad penal adolescente durante los gobiernos del Frente Amplio (2005 – 2020) en Uruguay. Se trata de evidenciar las "sensibilidades" que guiaron las políticas públicas criminales del partido de gobierno y plantear una discusión acerca de los dilemas de las izquierdas con respecto a la seguridad pública. ==== The presidency of the Frente Amplio in 2005 generated high expectations in large part of Uruguayan society. Due to their "sensibility", a shift towards the rights approach and a process of decriminalization was expected. In the beginning, the new government made substantial changes, although not without tension and brakes. Then, perhaps surprisingly, heavy-handed policies were increased. The "adolescents" were, among others, the recipients of the punitive turn, even though they had far from explaining crime and criminality. The present research intends to problematize these subjects studying the left-wing criminal policies in the case of the special juvenile justice system during the governments of the Frente Amplio (2005-2020) in Uruguay. It is about showing the "sensibilities" that guided the criminal public policies of the government party and the possible explanations for this. The research realizes a descriptive study based on the triangulation of quantitative and qualitative research techniques.
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14 páginas. ; Los preacuerdos en el Derecho Penal buscan la descongestión de los despachos judiciales mediante una alternativa que bien aplicada favorece no solo al procesado sino a la administración de justicia, porque además de buscar la reparación, resarcir el daño en el menor tiempo posible, disminuye el desgaste en la administración de justicia y quizás es la figura más utilizada para culminar los procesos, los preacuerdos o negociaciones. ; The preacords in the Criminal Law seek the decongestion of judicial offices through an alternative that well applied favors not only the defendant but also the administration of justice, because in addition to seeking redress, to compensate for damage in the shortest possible time, in the administration of justice and perhaps is the most used figure to culminate the processes, preacuerdos or negotiations.
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In 1957, the Aboriginal Welfare Board (the authority in charge of the Aboriginal population in the State of New South Wales) questioned the soundness of one section of the Aboriginal Protection Act (APA, 1909-43) it administered. It therefore it launched a major survey in order to obtain the view on the question of all those «closely associated with aboriginal welfare and conduct», and in particular the members of the police. The Board did not just ask the police to state their opinion on the issue, but also to provide some figures about the Aboriginal population in their Patrol. The article analyses the construction of those figures, and it attempts to show how new interpretations emerged during the 1960s, especially through the rise of the political movement in favour of Aboriginal Rights.
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Resumen | Este trabajo procura analizar la crisis general de la noción de comunidad mediante la exploración de las maneras en que la inmigración y la integración de los inmigrantes en esta era globalizada están estimulando una forma particularmente virulenta de racismo, con raíces en la xenofobia, que está sirviendo para redefinir los mismos términos de pertenencia nacional y su expresión política en la ciudadanía.Con enfoque particular sobre personas de ascendencia mexicana en los Estados Unidos, propongo que, en el ambiente político y económico vigente, el racismo y la xenofobia contra los inmigrantes, exacerbados por el énfasis sobre seguridad de la dinámica política, aseguran que —independientemente del estatus oficial de ciudadano— los latinos y de manera particular los mexicano-americanos se están transformando en "ciudadanos desechables".Más aun —una vez redefinidos como "mexicanos", sin importar su país de origen o momento de llegada— los latinos están siendo relegados a la condición de "extraños desechables" en los Estados Unidos. Disposable Strangers: Race and Migration in the Era of Globalization Abstract | This paper seeks to address the general crisis in the notion of community by exploring the ways that immigration and immigrant integration in the global era are stoking a particularly virulent form of racism, rooted in a xenophobia that is instrumental to redefining the very terms of national belonging and its political expression in citizenship.Focusing on the experience of people of Mexican descent in the United States I argue that, in the prevailing political and economic climate, racism and xenophobia against immigrants, exacerbated by the security focus of political dynamics, ensures that, regardless of official citizenship status, Latinos, and particularly Mexican Americans, are becoming "disposable citizens." Moreover, now recast as "Mexicans", Latinos, regardless of their national origin or time of arrival, are being relegated to the status of "disposable strangers" in the United States.
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This article examines two central aspects of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights judgment in the Case of Gelman v. Uruguay: on the one hand, the importance of the Uruguayan State's recognition of responsibility and, on the other, the role played by criminal justice in the ruling. The author holds that the State's recognition of responsibility reveals the existence of a new starting point in discussions about violent pasts and the current requirements of democracy, and is the lens through which the remaining conclusions contained in the ruling should be viewed. With regards to the way in which criminal justice is dealt with in the ruling –particularly the validity of the Uruguayan Amnesty Law– the author argues that the reasoning underlines the active nature of the debate on the role of criminal punishment in late transitions and on the limitations of the Inter-American Court when faced with majoritarian decisions made by domestic communities. In the face of this consideration, the Court's decision cannot be properly evaluated without taking into account the historical and normative context in which it is inserted. ; Este artículo reflexiona sobre dos aspectos centrales el caso Gelman vs. Uruguay de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos: por un lado, la importancia del reconocimiento de responsabilidad efectuado por el Estado Uruguayo y, por otro, el papel de la justicia penal en la decisión. El reconocimiento estatal de responsabilidad, sostiene el autor, revela la existencia de un nuevo piso de marcha para debatir sobre el pasado violento y las necesidades actuales de la democracia, y es el prisma a través del cual se deberían comprender las demás conclusiones del fallo. Con relación al tratamiento otorgado a la justicia penal en la sentencia, en particular en lo relativo a la validez de la Ley de Caducidad de la Pretensión Punitiva del Estado, el autor señala que ello ratifica la vigencia del debate sobre el lugar del castigo penal en las transiciones tardías y sobre los límites del tribunal ...
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In: Colección Marino Barbero Santos 8
Within current democratic political systems, demands and conflicts arise in the heart of society that cannot be ignored by the organizations exercising political power within the State, but which require direct citizen participation for theirsolution. This work studies extrajudicial and extra-state conflict resolution practices, particularly those that are established constitutionally and legislatively. It explains how we owe to postmodernity and the alternative justice administration systems the recognition of that enabling granted to social actors so they can solve their problems without the intervention of state organizations; and it makes a comparison between the postulates of the new tendency and the aspects established in the Organic Law on the Justice of the Peace. ; En los sistemas políticos democráticos actuales surgen demandas y conflictos en el seno de la sociedad, que no pueden ser ignorados por los órganos que ejercen el poder político dentro del Estado, pero que requieren la participación directa de los ciudadanos para su resolución. En el presente trabajo se abordan las prácticas extrajudiciales y extraestatales de resolución de conflictos, particularmente las consagradas constitucional y legislativamente. Se explica cómo debemos a la posmodernidad y a los sistemas alternativos de Administración de Justicia el reconocimiento de esa habilitación otorgada a los actores sociales para que resuelvan sus problemas sin la intervención de los órganos estatales y se realiza un cotejo entre los postulados de la nueva tendencia y los aspectos consagrados en la Ley Orgánica de Justicia de Paz
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