Why Cyber Attacks on Ukrainians Aren't Working the Way Russia Expected
Blog: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace - Carnegie Publications
Ukrainians have proven remarkably resilient, bouncing back from each disruption with resolve.
22 Ergebnisse
Sortierung:
Blog: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace - Carnegie Publications
Ukrainians have proven remarkably resilient, bouncing back from each disruption with resolve.
Статья посвящена анализу экономического аспекта социальной составляющей сущности человека. При любом, в том числе и экономическом, анализе общества, следует учитывать именно все многообразие мотивов и качеств человека. Достижение экономической выгоды не должно приводить к социальным потрясениям, к росту бездуховности общества, к глобальным экологическим проблемам. Поэтому одним из важнейших понятий экономических наук, экономической философии, экономической социологии, экономической антропологии и других смежных наук должно стать понятие оптимума как связующего звена между собственно экономическими, политическими, социальными и духовными целями и интересами человека. = The article is concerned with economic aspect of social element in human being. Performing any kind of analysis, including economical analysis, it is important to consider the whole variety of human's motives and personality. The process of reaping economic benefit shouldn't be resulted in social disruption, earthliness and global ecological problems. Therefore, the concept of optimum as a link between economical, political, social and spiritual aims and human's interests, should become one of the most important concepts in economics, economic philosophy, economic sociology, economic anthropology and other allied sciences.
BASE
In: Vestnik Volgogradskogo Gosudarstvennogo Universiteta: naučno-teoretičeskij žurnal = Science journal of Volgograd State University. Serija 4, Istorija, regionovedenie, meždunarodnye otnošenija = History. Area studies. International relations, Band 22, Heft 1, S. 99-111
ISSN: 2312-8704
The study of socio-political attitudes of the Don Cossacks in the early 1920s is of large importance for understanding the socio-political processes in the south of Russia at that time. After the Soviet power was established in the Don region, relations of mutual distrust formed between the Cossacks and the new power. The Soviet authorities viewed the Cossacks as a potentially counter-revolutionary force, though actual economic collapse and repressions from the state authorities considerably undermined the counter-revolutionary enthusiasm and brought social apathy among the Cossacks. Generally the sociopolitical attitudes of the Don Cossacks in 1920- 1922 can be described as follows. These were sporadic acts of disloyalty provoked primarily by the economic crisis and general social disruption in Cossack villages. By 1923 the situation had gradually changed. The economic growth contributed to a more positive attitude among Cossacks and peasants. The strengthening of the Soviet power, along with the policy of attention to peasants' and Cossacks' needs, made the Cossacks more loyal. They gradually got involved in the process of Soviet construction, took part in organization of the use of land, in elections to Soviet bodies, and so on. The article reveals the Don Cossacks' attitudes in 1920-1924 and determines their causes, characteristics and changes under various factors.
Facing the threat of disruption to the productive sector as a result of social distancing measures imposed in Brazil, and considering that micro and small enterprises are those hardest struck, this study aims to formulate a government emergency aid proposal for this segment. It presents a brief analysis of the federal government's current actions and proposes a measure capable of filling the gaps observed. Finally, the study offers an estimation of costs for the National Treasury if adopting the proposed measure. ; Ante la amenaza de desestructuración del tejido productivo como consecuencia del aislamiento social impuesto en Brasil y considerando que las micro y pequeñas empresas son las más afectadas, el presente trabajo tiene como objetivo formular una propuesta de asistencia gubernamental de emergencia a este segmento económico. Para ello, presenta un breve análisis de las medidas ya adoptadas por el Gobierno Federal, propone una medida capaz de llenar sus lagunas y, finalmente, estima los costos de la medida propuesta para el Tesoro Nacional. ; Diante da ameaça de desestruturação do tecido produtivo como consequência do isolamento social imposto no Brasil, e tendo em vista que as micro e pequenas empresas são aquelas mais duramente atingidas, o presente trabalho tem por objetivo formular uma proposta de auxílio emergencial governamental para este segmento econômico. Para tanto, apresenta uma breve análise das medidas já adotadas pelo Governo Federal, propõe uma medida capaz de preencher suas lacunas e, por fim, estima os custos da medida proposta para o Tesouro Nacional.
BASE
In: Sociologičeskij žurnal: Sociological journal, Band 25, Heft 3, S. 67-83
ISSN: 1684-1581
Western researchers highlight financial arguments between spouses as the key predictor of family disruption and divorce. Moreover, such arguments between partners are defined as the most difficult and prolonged. Meanwhile, the topic of money in general is considered an utter taboo in society, due to the underlying matter of power. However, the question of what are the determinants of financial disagreements emerging remains a blank spot in a vast body of research devoted to marital conflicts and financial management. This study is an attempt to fill this gap and answer questions about what may lead to their occurrence. At the theoretical level, it was suggested that there are 5 aspects that influence financial disagreements: financial management in the family, the distribution of power and household responsibilities, each spouse's contribution to the family budget, their employment and financial difficulties in the family. The empirical study is based on the Survey of Consumer Finance data of the 2013 wave, as well as three methods of analysis (classification trees, logistic regression and log-linear analysis). The data shows that the main determinants of frequent disagreements about money in families are: the combination of a cohabitation form of relationship and independent financial management, a couple consisting of a non-thrifty husband and a wasteful wife. To decrease the frequency of financial arguments, it is vital for a man to have traditionalist attitudes and a higher degree of satisfaction with making financial decisions compared to a woman.
The article contains analysis of political transformations in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) in the 1997-2021 aiming to identify its political process' features within the framework of «one country, two systems» model. A brief description of Hong Kong's political life events in preceding decades is given, which reflects the key tendencies of Hong Kong's socio-political development under the British colonial rule. It is stated that establishing of the new political order in the SAR by PRC, intended to form a more accountable administrative model, is realized using the traditional Chinese scheme, which implies establishing China's unconditional dominance and control over the local administrations' activity. According to this, institutional transformations were implemented resulting in recentralization of power in the hands of the SAR's government, also administrative model was changed. The consequences of this shift were series of mass protest actions and reinforcement of political discord in public and government circles. The authors come to the conclusion about conflictive character of Hong Kong's political process, periodically proceeding on the brink of stability disruption. Currently, prospects of its democratization appear to be unlikely. ; В статье анализируются политические трансформации в специальном административном районе Гонконг в 1997-2021 гг. с целью выявления особенностей политического процесса в этом особом административном образовании КНР в рамках концепции «одна страна — две системы». Приводится краткое описание социально-политической структуры Гонконга в завершающий период британского колониального правления. Констатируется, что выстраивание Китаем нового политического порядка в Гонконге, направленного на формирование более централизованной модели управления, реализуется с использованием традиционной для Китая схемы, подразумевающей безусловное доминирование центральных властей и их всеохватывающий контроль над деятельностью локальных администраций. С этой целью в Гонконге ...
BASE
Oil is one of the most important sources of income for oil-exporting countries such as the Russian Federation and Iran, as well as the main raw material in the production process in oil-importing countries. Risks fluctuations in world oil prices can cause sovereign financial risks of instability in macroeconomic variables in both groups of oil exporting and importing countries. Negative shocks in world oil prices for countries such as Iran and Russia, whose economic structure is oriented towards oil and provides a significant part of the state budget through oil, could have significant consequences for the economies of these countries. Such fluctuations not only affect the economies of oil-importing countries, but are also one of the main causes of disruptions in the economies of oil-exporting countries. This study examines the government's management of risk fluctuations in world oil prices and its actions in Iran and Russia. The results of this study show that Iran and Russia, as sanctioned countries and oil exporters, have taken various measures to deal with these shocks, the most important of which is the creation of sovereign wealth funds in the two countries. In this article, the characteristics of national development funds in Iran and Russia are compared. The differences between Iran and Russia in risk management and the structure of these funds are shown. ; Нефть является одним из важнейших источников дохода для стран-экспортеров нефти, таких как Российская Федерация и Иран, а также главным сырьем в производственном процессе в странах-импортерах нефти. Колебания мировых цен на нефть могут вызвать суверенные финансовые риски нестабильности макроэкономических переменных в группах и стран-экспортеров, и стран-импортеров нефти. Негативные шоки мировых цен на нефть для таких стран, как Иран и Россия, чья экономическая структура ориентирована на нефть и обеспечивает посредством экспорта нефти значительную часть государственного бюджета, могут иметь значительные последствия. В статье исследуется процесс ...
BASE
In: Vestnik Instituta sociologii: setevoj žurnal = Bulletin of the Institute of Sociology : online electronic journal, Band 12, Heft 1, S. 118-135
ISSN: 2221-1616
The authors of this article proceed from the fact that, as a result of the intensive development of digital technologies, a digital society has formed an understanding of life, in which many habitual social practices have been transformed into digital ones. In particular, digital technologies have contributed to the fact that communication on personal, social and commercial issues has moved to a different, virtual level. However, in a number of areas, digital communication causes problems and communication disruptions. For example, previous studies have highlighted high levels of consumer dissatisfaction with companies using digital communication tools. Especially a lot of criticism is caused by answerphones, recently widely popular and used increasingly by public and commercial institutions. The article examines the new ways companies use to deliver their message to an existing or potential customer, as well as the quality and customer ratings of some of these solutions. In addition, the authors tried to identify factors that influence consumer satisfaction when communicating with companies in the digital environment. The main research methods are analysis of previous projects results, interviews and online survey. The article is based on the results of the research conducted in the city of Nizhny Novgorod. The city residents expectations for the automated communication system used in the modern world between the user and the service provider in case when communication is initiated by the consumer to solve his problems were studied on the example of telecommunications companies. These expectations were divided into six groups, and a comparative quantitative assessment of consumer expectations and the actual quality of communication was made. A low level of satisfaction with new ways of communication between companies and consumers was detected, and factors influencing consumer attitudes were identified. In general, the study showed that the formed factors determine the priority directions of transformation of the communication practices of companies and are the basis for the balance of technologies and human resources at the enterprise.
ABSTRACT. Pedagogy of alternation has been considered a methodological possibility for the rural people's education, given its pedagogical and political convergence with the principles of Rural Education. However, hybrid experiences have revealed that the epistemological foundations that underpin this Pedagogy have been placed on the margin of practices, emptying the emancipatory potentialities of Alternation.Starting from these meanings, this text which is the result of theoretical reflections, discusses the epistemological principles that underlie the Pedagogy of Alternation, understood as a praxis forged in the unit of time and space, and its contributions to the emancipatory formation of rural people.The assumption of the political role of the Alternation epistemology promotes the disruption of formation based on the time-school and time-community dichotomy. It breaks with a fetishized praxis promoting the transformation-emancipation of these people and their communities. The symmetries between Rural Education and Alternation Pedagogy necessarily evoke overcoming the hybrid variants that this Pedagogy has been assuming in the context of rural people's education. It requires conceiving the unity that produces time-school and time-community as a formative political process. ; ABSTRACT. Pedagogy of alternation has been considered a methodological possibility for the rural people's education, given its pedagogical and political convergence with the principles of Rural Education. However, hybrid experiences have revealed that the epistemological foundations that underpin this Pedagogy have been placed on the margin of practices, emptying the emancipatory potentialities of Alternation.Starting from these meanings, this text which is the result of theoretical reflections, discusses the epistemological principles that underlie the Pedagogy of Alternation, understood as a praxis forged in the unit of time and space, and its contributions to the emancipatory formation of rural people.The assumption of the political role of the Alternation epistemology promotes the disruption of formation based on the time-school and time-community dichotomy. It breaks with a fetishized praxis promoting the transformation-emancipation of these people and their communities. The symmetries between Rural Education and Alternation Pedagogy necessarily evoke overcoming the hybrid variants that this Pedagogy has been assuming in the context of rural people's education. It requires conceiving the unity that produces time-school and time-community as a formative political process. ; RESUMEN. La Pedagogía de La Alternancia se está constituyendo como una posibilidad metodológica para la educación de los pueblos del campo, dada a su convergencia pedagógica y política con los principios de la Educación del Campo. Sin embargo, experiencias híbridas han revelado que los fundamentos epistemológicos que sustentan esta Pedagogía han sido colocados al margen de las prácticas, vaciando las potencialidades emancipadoras de la Alternancia. Partiendo de estas acepciones, este texto, resultado de reflexiones teóricas, discute los principios epistemológicos que fundamentan la Pedagogía de la Alternancia, comprendida como praxis forjada en la unidad de tiempo y espacio, y sus contribuciones para la formación emancipadora de los pueblos del campo. La asunción del papel político de la epistemología de la Alternancia, promueve el rompimiento de la formación calcada en la dicotomía Tiempo – escuela y tiempo-comunidad. Rompe con la praxis fetichizada promoviendo la transformación-emancipación de los sujetos y sus comunidades. Las simetrías entre Educación del Campo y la Pedagogía de la Alternancia evocan, necesariamente, exceden las variantes híbridas que esta Pedagogía viene asumiendo en el ámbito de la formación de los pueblos del campo. Exige concebir la unidad que produce el tiempo-escuela y el tiempo comunidad como proceso político formativo. ; ABSTRACT. Pedagogy of alternation has been considered a methodological possibility for the rural people's education, given its pedagogical and political convergence with the principles of Rural Education. However, hybrid experiences have revealed that the epistemological foundations that underpin this Pedagogy have been placed on the margin of practices, emptying the emancipatory potentialities of Alternation.Starting from these meanings, this text which is the result of theoretical reflections, discusses the epistemological principles that underlie the Pedagogy of Alternation, understood as a praxis forged in the unit of time and space, and its contributions to the emancipatory formation of rural people.The assumption of the political role of the Alternation epistemology promotes the disruption of formation based on the time-school and time-community dichotomy. It breaks with a fetishized praxis promoting the transformation-emancipation of these people and their communities. The symmetries between Rural Education and Alternation Pedagogy necessarily evoke overcoming the hybrid variants that this Pedagogy has been assuming in the context of rural people's education. It requires conceiving the unity that produces time-school and time-community as a formative political process. ; A Pedagogia da Alternância vem se constituindo como possibilidade metodológica para a educação dos povos do campo, dada sua convergência pedagógica e política com os princípios da Educação do Campo. Contudo, experiências híbridas têm revelado que os fundamentos epistemológicos que sustentam essa Pedagogia têm sido colocados à margem das práticas, esvaziando as potencialidades emancipadoras da Alternância. Partindo dessas acepções, este texto, resultado de reflexões teóricas, discute os princípios epistemológicos que fundamentam a Pedagogia da Alternância, compreendida enquanto práxis forjada na unidade tempo e espaço, e suas contribuições para a formação emancipatória dos povos do campo. A assunção do papel político da epistemologia da Alternância promove o rompimento da formação calcada na dicotomia tempo-escola e tempo-comunidade. Rompe com uma práxis fetichizada promovendo a transformação-emancipação dos sujeitos e suas comunidades. As simetrias entre Educação do Campo e Pedagogia da Alternância evocam, necessariamente, ultrapassar as variantes híbridas que essa Pedagogia vem assumindo no âmbito da formação dos povos do campo. Exige conceber a unidade que produz o tempo-escola e o tempo-comunidade como processo político formativo. Palavras-chave: Pedagogia da Alternância, Educação do Campo, Unidade Tempo-Escola e Tempo-Comunidade, Emancipação. Pedagogy of Alternation and Rural Education: from epistemological hybridism's to symmetry with Popular Education ABSTRACT. Pedagogy of alternation has been considered a methodological possibility for the rural people's education, given its pedagogical and political convergence with the principles of Rural Education. However, hybrid experiences have revealed that the epistemological foundations that underpin this Pedagogy have been placed on the margin of practices, emptying the emancipatory potentialities of Alternation.Starting from these meanings, this text which is the result of theoretical reflections, discusses the epistemological principles that underlie the Pedagogy of Alternation, understood as a praxis forged in the unit of time and space, and its contributions to the emancipatory formation of rural people.The assumption of the political role of the Alternation epistemology promotes the disruption of formation based on the time-school and time-community dichotomy. It breaks with a fetishized praxis promoting the transformation-emancipation of these people and their communities. The symmetries between Rural Education and Alternation Pedagogy necessarily evoke overcoming the hybrid variants that this Pedagogy has been assuming in the context of rural people's education. It requires conceiving the unity that produces time-school and time-community as a formative political process. Keywords: Pedagogy of Alternation, Rural Education, Time-school and Time-Community Unit, Emancipation. Pedagogía de la Alternancia y Educación del Campo: de los hibridismos epistemológicos a la simetría con la Educación Popular RESUMEN. La Pedagogía de La Alternancia se está constituyendo como una posibilidad metodológica para la educación de los pueblos del campo, dada a su convergencia pedagógica y política con los principios de la Educación del Campo. Sin embargo, experiencias híbridas han revelado que los fundamentos epistemológicos que sustentan esta Pedagogía han sido colocados al margen de las prácticas, vaciando las potencialidades emancipadoras de la Alternancia. Partiendo de estas acepciones, este texto, resultado de reflexiones teóricas, discute los principios epistemológicos que fundamentan la Pedagogía de la Alternancia, comprendida como praxis forjada en la unidad de tiempo y espacio, y sus contribuciones para la formación emancipadora de los pueblos del campo. La asunción del papel político de la epistemología de la Alternancia, promueve el rompimiento de la formación calcada en la dicotomía Tiempo – escuela y tiempo-comunidad. Rompe con la praxis fetichizada promoviendo la transformación-emancipación de los sujetos y sus comunidades. Las simetrías entre Educación del Campo y la Pedagogía de la Alternancia evocan, necesariamente, exceden las variantes híbridas que esta Pedagogía viene asumiendo en el ámbito de la formación de los pueblos del campo. Exige concebir la unidad que produce el tiempo-escuela y el tiempo comunidad como proceso político formativo. Palabras clave: Pedagogía de la Alternancia, Educación del Campo, Unidad Tiempo-Escuela y Tiempo-Comunidad, Emancipación.
BASE
O presente artigo parte de um conjunto de evidências recentes que comprovam o agravamento acelerado da crise socioecológica global no contexto do debate ecopolítico em curso sobre o Antropoceno. Levando em conta a gravidade dos impactos socioecológicos do agronegócio, examina de forma exploratória as contradições e os impasses verificados na dinâmica de regulação de agrotóxicos no Brasil. Mais precisamente, com base numa pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, o artigo focaliza as circunstâncias que têm condicionado o uso e a comercialização de substâncias tóxicas que já foram banidas em seus próprios países de origem, visando assim apontar a existência de um duplo padrão normativo no contexto brasileiro. Nesse sentido, o processo de reavaliação toxicológica do pesticida Paraquate é analisado como exemplo emblemático de um modelo de produção de commodities dependente do uso massivo de agrotóxicos e associado à reprimarização das economias do Sul Global. Além disso, a linha de argumentação leva em conta uma avaliação do potencial transformador embutido na noção emergente de crime de ecocídio no âmbito do Direito Penal Internacional. Para tanto, são apontadas algumas referências de pesquisas recentes que mobilizam os enfoques de ecocentrismo, justiça ecológica e nova ordem ecojurídica. ; This paper starts from the most recent evidences about the global crisis in the Antropocene. Relying upon bibliographical and documentary sources, the focus is set on the main contradictions and barriers identified in the field of regulatory arrangements of pesticide's use in Brazil. Moreover, the authors question why these substances, some of them already banished in countries that sustain their production, are currently consumed and exchanged as an important driver of the Brazilian development strategy. In this sense, the text presents a synthetic review of the debate involving the pesticide named Paraquat. The diffusion of this substance is seen as an impressive example of a global model of commodities exchange that foster at the same time ecologically disruption and the traditional Nord-South socioeconomic inequalities. Moreover, the text offers a review of some emergent approaches in the field of political ecology that are helping to deal with these anomalies in a new way: ecocide, ecocentrism, ecological justice and eco-legal order.
BASE
O presente artigo parte de um conjunto de evidências recentes que comprovam o agravamento acelerado da crise socioecológica global no contexto do debate ecopolítico em curso sobre o Antropoceno. Levando em conta a gravidade dos impactos socioecológicos do agronegócio, examina de forma exploratória as contradições e os impasses verificados na dinâmica de regulação de agrotóxicos no Brasil. Mais precisamente, com base numa pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, o artigo focaliza as circunstâncias que têm condicionado o uso e a comercialização de substâncias tóxicas que já foram banidas em seus próprios países de origem, visando assim apontar a existência de um duplo padrão normativo no contexto brasileiro. Nesse sentido, o processo de reavaliação toxicológica do pesticida Paraquate é analisado como exemplo emblemático de um modelo de produção de commodities dependente do uso massivo de agrotóxicos e associado à reprimarização das economias do Sul Global. Além disso, a linha de argumentação leva em conta uma avaliação do potencial transformador embutido na noção emergente de crime de ecocídio no âmbito do Direito Penal Internacional. Para tanto, são apontadas algumas referências de pesquisas recentes que mobilizam os enfoques de ecocentrismo, justiça ecológica e nova ordem ecojurídica. ; This paper starts from the most recent evidences about the global crisis in the Antropocene. Relying upon bibliographical and documentary sources, the focus is set on the main contradictions and barriers identified in the field of regulatory arrangements of pesticide's use in Brazil. Moreover, the authors question why these substances, some of them already banished in countries that sustain their production, are currently consumed and exchanged as an important driver of the Brazilian development strategy. In this sense, the text presents a synthetic review of the debate involving the pesticide named Paraquat. The diffusion of this substance is seen as an impressive example of a global model of commodities exchange that foster at the same time ecologically disruption and the traditional Nord-South socioeconomic inequalities. Moreover, the text offers a review of some emergent approaches in the field of political ecology that are helping to deal with these anomalies in a new way: ecocide, ecocentrism, ecological justice and eco-legal order.
BASE
ABSTRACT Objective: to reflect on the historical evolution of public policies aimed at drug users, highlighting the advances made and their contextual reality. Methodology: descriptive study consisting in a reflective analysis. For its preparation, we chose to conduct a previous narrative literature review, which allowed a broader and contextualized reflexive approach. Results: we notice along this historic pathway the disruption of a major paradigm: no restriction of this problem to the legal and police dimension, but understanding the existence of an inevitable relation between drug use and changes involving health. Conclusion: despite all advances and achievements, what can be actually noticed in political speeches on the theme are guidelines that complement and converge to the deployment of increasingly effective measures to tackle this public health problem. Descriptors: Illicit Drugs; Public Policies; Nursing. RESUMO Objetivo: refletir sobre a evolução histórica das políticas públicas direcionadas aos usuários de drogas, destacando os avanços obtidos e sua realidade contextual. Metodologia: estudo descritivo do tipo análise reflexiva. Para sua elaboração, optou-se por uma revisão narrativa da literatura prévia, o que possibilitou uma abordagem reflexiva ampliada e contextualizada. Resultados: percebe-se ao longo desse percurso histórico o rompimento de um importante paradigma: a não restrição dessa problemática à dimensão jurídica e policial, mas a compreensão da existência de uma relação inevitável entre o consumo de drogas e as alterações envolvendo a saúde. Conclusão: apesar de todos os avanços e conquistas, o que de fato se percebe nos discursos políticos sobre o tema são diretrizes que se complementam e convergem para a implementação de medidas cada vez mais efetivas para enfrentar esse problema de saúde pública. Descritores: Drogas Ilícitas; Políticas Públicas; Enfermagem. RESUMEN Objetivo: reflexionar acerca de la evolución histórica de las políticas públicas dirigidas a los usuarios de drogas, destacando los avances logrados y su realidad contextual. Metodología: estudio descriptivo del tipo análisis reflexivo. Para su elaboración, se optó por realizar una revisión narrativa de literatura previa, lo que posibilitó un abordaje reflexivo amplio y contextualizado. Resultados: lo que se percibe a lo largo de esa ruta histórica es la ruptura de un paradigma importante: no hay restricción de ese problema a la dimensión jurídica y policial, pero la comprensión de la existencia de una relación inevitable entre el uso de drogas y los cambios relativos a la salud. Conclusión: a pesar de todos los avances y logros, lo que de hecho se percibe en los discursos políticos acerca del tema son directrices que se complementan y convergen para la implementación de medidas cada vez más eficaces para hacer frente a ese problema de salud pública. Descriptores: Drogas Ilícitas; Políticas Públicas; Enfermería. ; RESUMO Objetivo: refletir sobre a evolução histórica das políticas públicas direcionadas aos usuários de drogas, destacando os avanços obtidos e sua realidade contextual. Metodologia: estudo descritivo do tipo análise reflexiva. Para sua elaboração, optou-se por uma revisão narrativa da literatura prévia, o que possibilitou uma abordagem reflexiva ampliada e contextualizada. Resultados: percebe-se ao longo desse percurso histórico o rompimento de um importante paradigma: a não restrição dessa problemática à dimensão jurídica e policial, mas a compreensão da existência de uma relação inevitável entre o consumo de drogas e as alterações envolvendo a saúde. Conclusão: apesar de todos os avanços e conquistas, o que de fato se percebe nos discursos políticos sobre o tema são diretrizes que se complementam e convergem para a implementação de medidas cada vez mais efetivas para enfrentar esse problema de saúde pública. Descritores: Drogas Ilícitas; Políticas Públicas; Enfermagem. ABSTRACT Objective: to reflect on the historical evolution of public policies aimed at drug users, highlighting the advances made and their contextual reality. Methodology: descriptive study consisting in a reflective analysis. For its preparation, we chose to conduct a previous narrative literature review, which allowed a broader and contextualized reflexive approach. Results: we notice along this historic pathway the disruption of a major paradigm: no restriction of this problem to the legal and police dimension, but understanding the existence of an inevitable relation between drug use and changes involving health. Conclusion: despite all advances and achievements, what can be actually noticed in political speeches on the theme are guidelines that complement and converge to the deployment of increasingly effective measures to tackle this public health problem. Descriptors: Illicit Drugs; Public Policies; Nursing. RESUMEN Objetivo: reflexionar acerca de la evolución histórica de las políticas públicas dirigidas a los usuarios de drogas, destacando los avances logrados y su realidad contextual. Metodología: estudio descriptivo del tipo análisis reflexivo. Para su elaboración, se optó por realizar una revisión narrativa de literatura previa, lo que posibilitó un abordaje reflexivo amplio y contextualizado. Resultados: lo que se percibe a lo largo de esa ruta histórica es la ruptura de un paradigma importante: no hay restricción de ese problema a la dimensión jurídica y policial, pero la comprensión de la existencia de una relación inevitable entre el uso de drogas y los cambios relativos a la salud. Conclusión: a pesar de todos los avances y logros, lo que de hecho se percibe en los discursos políticos acerca del tema son directrices que se complementan y convergen para la implementación de medidas cada vez más eficaces para hacer frente a ese problema de salud pública. Descriptores: Drogas Ilícitas; Políticas Públicas; Enfermería.
BASE
Twenty-five years have passed since the collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), which led to the disruption of the regional check-and-balance system aimed at resolving national issues and political and socioeconomic contradictions. It also resulted in a number of armed conflicts, including those in the Chechen Republic, Nagorno-Karabakh, Transnistria, Tajikistan, Abkhazia, South Ossetia and later in the South-East of Ukraine. Immediately following the collapse of the USSR, key international actors paid special attention to the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) region while trying to secure own interests. This led to the further stratification of the CIS region. A "geopolitical pluralism" started to form there, marked by the fragmentation of nation-state sovereignty over the territory. The concept and policy of "geopolitical pluralism" as developed by Zbigniew Brzezinski meets the interests of the United States by making the CIS region more manageable, while at the same time making it more difficult for Russia to implement its own strategic tasks there. The key goal of Russia is the creation of an integrated economic and political union able to take a rightful place in the world. Only the development of deep and comprehensive integration with the CIS states can ensure the competitiveness of Russia's position in the world as well as the positions of its partners in the former Soviet space. The purpose of this article is to assess the level of geopolitical pluralism in the CIS space taking account of the membership of the CIS countries in international organizations and their voting on UN General Assembly resolutions. The study is based on the interconnection of quantitative and qualitative methods of analysis of international relations and world politics. During the past quarter century following the collapse of the Soviet Union, a regional system of international relations has formed in its place. Despite the fact that the CIS is a kind of linking element which unites most of the former Soviet republics, a certain competition between the new states has become the characteristic feature of the political relations in the region. The policy of the west (primarily the United States) became a kind of a branched, diversified strategy aimed at the phased development, transformation and fragmentation of the region. The diversity of foreign policy priorities among the CIS states and the presence of many actors in the region makes mutual understanding and good-neighbourliness between these countries difficult to achieve. To the contrary, this diversity seriously complicates and slows down the development of deep and comprehensive integration, making it more unstable and ineffective. © HSE, 1993-2018.
BASE
The study of problems related to the modernization of the oil industry at the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th centuries allows asserting that the rapid technical re-equipment of oil refineries was due to the targeted state scientific and technical policy that was being implemented at that time, as well as to the highly effective system of privileges (patents) and mass promotion of technical knowledge and achievements. Besides, the role of entrepreneurs that supported individual inventors and research companies providing "brain gain" and investment in Russia was also significant. This contributed to the rapid introduction of technical innovations in production. Thus, the transition to extensive use of oil as industrial fuel contributed to a more intensive development of the factory industry. Modernization of the oil industry became a powerful incentive and, at the same time, a part of Russian industrialization. One of the most successful and quickly implemented innovations that were at the same time crucial for the changing nature of the Russian energy sector and the economy in general was the invention of "Nobel burner". It seemed that this solved the problem of oil residues. However, it proved to be extremely uneconomical to burn large amounts of oil fuel under the boilers of steam engines. Thus, "oil" energetics formed. The "oil imbalance" resulted in the suppression of the coal industry of the country. At the same time identifying the causes of the fuel crisis as one of the most important factors that led to the collapse of the Russian Empire allowed us to formulate a conclusion that the decline in oil production and increased demand for fuel oil in the First World War by the military and metallurgical industries, railways, the shortage of fuel and rising prices led to the disorganization of the whole economy, disruptions in the supply of food, raw materials and weapons. ; Изучение проблем, связанных с модернизацией нефтяной отрасли в конце ХIХ - начале ХХ вв., дает возможность утверждать, что быстрое техническое перевооружение нефтеперерабатывающих предприятий в указанный период было вызвано целенаправленной государственной политикой, весьма эффективной системой привилегий (патентов), массовой пропагандой технических знаний и достижений. Значительна и роль предпринимателей, поддерживающих отдельных изобретателей и научные общества, обеспечивших «приток умов» и инвестиций в Россию, способствовавших быстрому внедрению в производство технических новшеств. Так, переход к широкому использованию нефти в качестве промышленного топлива, благодаря изобретению «нобелевской форсунки», способствовал более интенсивному развитию фабрично-заводской промышленности. Однако сжигание нефтяного топлива под котлами паровых машин в огромных объемах оказалось крайне неэкономичным. Тем не менее, «нефтяной перекос» определил подавление угольной отрасли страны. Одновременно выявление причин топливного кризиса как одного из важнейших факторов, обусловивших крушение Российской империи, позволило заключить, что снижение нефтедобычи и увеличение спроса на мазут в годы Первой мировой войны при дефиците топлива и росте цен на него вызвало дезорганизацию всей экономики, сбои в поставках продовольствия, сырья и вооружений.
BASE