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The aim of this study is trying to interpret the crisis of legitimacy which faced the political system in Libya after the events of 2011, including the multiple legislative and executive bodies, based on specified theoretical perception is Crisis Theory for Jürgen Habermas, which he is trying to linking between the political system has legitimacy and its ability to overcome the different crises and challenges that faced, is a reliable perception in the case of Libya, in particular, every political party in the Libyan scene is consider himself the legal and legitimate representatives of the Libyan community, in light of political division and multiple parliamentary bodies and executive Governments in the country,the researcher adopted in this trying to analytical reading emphasize on specific points in many official and non-official studies and reports on the Libyan situation, study found that all successive political parties that topped the Libyan political scene form 2011, had failed to counter the various challenges whether security or constitutional, and were unable to manage the different crisis suffered by the Libyan citizen, specially economic, living and service, this place it in a real crisis of legitimacy at the level of society as a whole, in light of decrease what they have done in the past and what they can do in the future under the current situation, which contributed in create a case of distrust among the citizens in their programs and plans and lost motivation to participate in the various activities that they supervise on the one hand, and in increasing cases of disrespect for laws and decisions that represent their authority on the other hand,this leads us to say that the political system in Libya after the events of 2011, is faces a national crisis of legitimacy, accompanied by crises in motivation and non-normality, according to Habermas societal crisis theory, this is reflected in our reading of studies and reports that have been exposed to the Libyan crisis.

تعد المدة بين1954- 1958 من اكثر المراحل ديمقراطية في سورية, حيث عادت الحياة الدستورية الى البلاد ومارس الشعب الانتخابات لاختيار مجلس النواب, ومارس مجلس النواب والاحزاب دورهم في ادارة البلاد وتشكيل حكومة تجمع وطني جمعت كافة الاحزاب الوطنية والقومية والمستقلين, ووقفت سورية ضد الاحلاف الاجنبية لاسيما حلف بغداد, وساندت مصر في احداث السويس وسعت الى الاتحاد مع مصر 1958. تألف البحث من مقدمة وثلاثة مباحث وخاتمة, درس المبحث الاول التوجه نحو الديمقراطية والحياة الدستورية , وتناول المبحث الثاني التجمع القومي, وعالج المبحث الثالث الوحدة السورية المصرية 1958. ; The period between 1954- 1958 was more times democracy inSyria where comeback the constitutionality life for the country and practiced the people elections toselct the house of representatives, And practiced the parliament and parties their role in the management of the country and forming government national congregation collected all parties national and nationalism and independent, and stood Syria against the foreign alliances in particular the treaty of Baghdad, and supported Egypt in events of the Suez and sought to the union with Egypt 1958, and consisted the research of introduction and three sections and conclusion ,studied the first section orientation to democracy and the constitutionality life, studied the second ascend section the nationalist congregation, and displayed the third section the unity Syrian Egyptian 1958.

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يتناول البحث مسألة أصولية، وهي العلة القاصرة، وحكم التعليل بها، وذكر الخلاف فيها بين الأصوليين.كما وضح البحث أن الخلاف لم يتوارد على محل واحد، إذ راعى الحنفية عملية القياس، وراعى الجمهور حقيقة العلة، وتبين أنه لا خلاف في عدم إجراء القياس بدون علة متعدية، ولا مانع من إبداء علة الحكم.وناقش الباحثان سبب الخلاف بين الأصوليين، وبينا فوائد التعليل بالعلة القاصرة.وبينا مسالك الأصوليين في الترجيح عند تعارض علتين: إحداهما قاصرة، والأخرى متعدية.وختما البحث بذكر أثر الاختلاف في التعليل بالعلة القاصرة. ; The research deals with a fundamental issue which is the restricted reasoning ; the possibility of using it for reasoning; and the dispute between the fundamentalists concerning it.The research clarified that the disagreement is theoretical, as the Hanafiah scholars took into account the process of measurement, and the majority of scholars took into account the truth of reasoning. It was found that there is no dispute in not making a measurement without a transitive reason, and there is no objection to explaining the reason for judgment.The two researchers discussed the reason for the disagreement between the fundamentalists, and showed the benefits of explaining the restricted reasoning.They showed the methods of the fundamentalists regarding the preference when two reasons conflict: one of them is restricted, and the other transitive.The research concluded by stating the effect of the difference in reasoning using the restricted reasoning