Suchergebnisse

The purpose of this paper is to analyze and interpret tolerance practices in historical and contemporary Lithuania, drawing more consistently on the concepts and conceptions of tolerance and insights from current theoretical debates on tolerance. Moreover, we intend to actualize the re-flections on the variants of tolerance in the old Lithuania and especially in the Lithuanian democracy and partly in Lithuanian historiography of the beginning of the 21st century. It is crucial to under-stand the status of tolerance in present-day Lithuania, how it works in late modernity, with special reference to the situation of ethnic minorities.The article notes that the biggest problem we face today is that tolerance is not enough to overcome our moral problems. In particular, pervasive tolerance as a joyful acceptance of differences and open-ness to everything is not enough. In the author's opinion, citizenship of juristic state, like tolerance, is not a sufficient basis for generality. We have to talk about true integration of society, without identi-fying it in rhetoric with assimilation or merely "minority integration", as is still the case in Lithuanian public space and often in the works of historians. It means being more aware that you are part of the same world, of a particular community with common affinities, a common history.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze and interpret tolerance practices in historical and contemporary Lithuania, drawing more consistently on the concepts and conceptions of tolerance and insights from current theoretical debates on tolerance. Moreover, we intend to actualize the re-flections on the variants of tolerance in the old Lithuania and especially in the Lithuanian democracy and partly in Lithuanian historiography of the beginning of the 21st century. It is crucial to under-stand the status of tolerance in present-day Lithuania, how it works in late modernity, with special reference to the situation of ethnic minorities.The article notes that the biggest problem we face today is that tolerance is not enough to overcome our moral problems. In particular, pervasive tolerance as a joyful acceptance of differences and open-ness to everything is not enough. In the author's opinion, citizenship of juristic state, like tolerance, is not a sufficient basis for generality. We have to talk about true integration of society, without identi-fying it in rhetoric with assimilation or merely "minority integration", as is still the case in Lithuanian public space and often in the works of historians. It means being more aware that you are part of the same world, of a particular community with common affinities, a common history.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze and interpret tolerance practices in historical and contemporary Lithuania, drawing more consistently on the concepts and conceptions of tolerance and insights from current theoretical debates on tolerance. Moreover, we intend to actualize the re-flections on the variants of tolerance in the old Lithuania and especially in the Lithuanian democracy and partly in Lithuanian historiography of the beginning of the 21st century. It is crucial to under-stand the status of tolerance in present-day Lithuania, how it works in late modernity, with special reference to the situation of ethnic minorities.The article notes that the biggest problem we face today is that tolerance is not enough to overcome our moral problems. In particular, pervasive tolerance as a joyful acceptance of differences and open-ness to everything is not enough. In the author's opinion, citizenship of juristic state, like tolerance, is not a sufficient basis for generality. We have to talk about true integration of society, without identi-fying it in rhetoric with assimilation or merely "minority integration", as is still the case in Lithuanian public space and often in the works of historians. It means being more aware that you are part of the same world, of a particular community with common affinities, a common history.

The article deals with the problem of representation in the area of local public policy. Representation is a crucial element of any democratic society. The democratic society should be reflected as sharp as possible in the representative institutions. Otherwise, if the reflection of society's structure is distorted, there will be a great danger to fall into the asymmetry of democracy. Contemporary public administration extended the traditionally political notion of representation into the area of bureaucracy. The distinction between the passive and the active representation was developed. Despite that there is no consensuses of whether the passive representation always leads to the active one, the authors of the article keep a premise that most often the passive representation leads to the active one, but it may become a negative point if the passive representation is not the sharp one. While the local council is considered as a subject of public administration in Lithuania, the authors of the article choose to research how sharp the local council of Klaipëda represents the community of the city. The problem is relevant because the contemporary public policy is increasingly oriented towards the notion of public governance. Applying the casestudy method and analytical statistics, article analyzes the last four elections to the local council of Klaipëda. Due to the wide scope of the topic, the object of the research is divided into the four main structural components: representation of gender, nationality, age-group, and occupation. Additionally, the diversity effect is calculated applying the Blau index. The research proved that the passive representation in the local council is not the sharp one. Among all, the distinct domination of only two - business and education - occupational groups revealed that there are negative tendencies in the development of local democracy. Two of them are of the greatest menace: 1) prevailing of business leaders might lead to the market relationships in the processes of solving social problems, 2) governing may become available only for the privileged closed stratas what jeopardize the fading of democracy. Knowing that passive representation may lead to the active one, it is possible to envisage the predominance of the certain interests' implementation what leads to the so called asymmetry of democracy.

The article deals with the problem of representation in the area of local public policy. Representation is a crucial element of any democratic society. The democratic society should be reflected as sharp as possible in the representative institutions. Otherwise, if the reflection of society's structure is distorted, there will be a great danger to fall into the asymmetry of democracy. Contemporary public administration extended the traditionally political notion of representation into the area of bureaucracy. The distinction between the passive and the active representation was developed. Despite that there is no consensuses of whether the passive representation always leads to the active one, the authors of the article keep a premise that most often the passive representation leads to the active one, but it may become a negative point if the passive representation is not the sharp one. While the local council is considered as a subject of public administration in Lithuania, the authors of the article choose to research how sharp the local council of Klaipëda represents the community of the city. The problem is relevant because the contemporary public policy is increasingly oriented towards the notion of public governance. Applying the casestudy method and analytical statistics, article analyzes the last four elections to the local council of Klaipëda. Due to the wide scope of the topic, the object of the research is divided into the four main structural components: representation of gender, nationality, age-group, and occupation. Additionally, the diversity effect is calculated applying the Blau index. The research proved that the passive representation in the local council is not the sharp one. Among all, the distinct domination of only two - business and education - occupational groups revealed that there are negative tendencies in the development of local democracy. Two of them are of the greatest menace: 1) prevailing of business leaders might lead to the market relationships in the processes of solving social problems, 2) governing may become available only for the privileged closed stratas what jeopardize the fading of democracy. Knowing that passive representation may lead to the active one, it is possible to envisage the predominance of the certain interests' implementation what leads to the so called asymmetry of democracy.

The article deals with the problem of representation in the area of local public policy. Representation is a crucial element of any democratic society. The democratic society should be reflected as sharp as possible in the representative institutions. Otherwise, if the reflection of society's structure is distorted, there will be a great danger to fall into the asymmetry of democracy. Contemporary public administration extended the traditionally political notion of representation into the area of bureaucracy. The distinction between the passive and the active representation was developed. Despite that there is no consensuses of whether the passive representation always leads to the active one, the authors of the article keep a premise that most often the passive representation leads to the active one, but it may become a negative point if the passive representation is not the sharp one. While the local council is considered as a subject of public administration in Lithuania, the authors of the article choose to research how sharp the local council of Klaipëda represents the community of the city. The problem is relevant because the contemporary public policy is increasingly oriented towards the notion of public governance. Applying the casestudy method and analytical statistics, article analyzes the last four elections to the local council of Klaipëda. Due to the wide scope of the topic, the object of the research is divided into the four main structural components: representation of gender, nationality, age-group, and occupation. Additionally, the diversity effect is calculated applying the Blau index. The research proved that the passive representation in the local council is not the sharp one. Among all, the distinct domination of only two - business and education - occupational groups revealed that there are negative tendencies in the development of local democracy. Two of them are of the greatest menace: 1) prevailing of business leaders might lead to the market relationships in the processes of solving social problems, 2) governing may become available only for the privileged closed stratas what jeopardize the fading of democracy. Knowing that passive representation may lead to the active one, it is possible to envisage the predominance of the certain interests' implementation what leads to the so called asymmetry of democracy.

The article deals with the problem of representation in the area of local public policy. Representation is a crucial element of any democratic society. The democratic society should be reflected as sharp as possible in the representative institutions. Otherwise, if the reflection of society's structure is distorted, there will be a great danger to fall into the asymmetry of democracy. Contemporary public administration extended the traditionally political notion of representation into the area of bureaucracy. The distinction between the passive and the active representation was developed. Despite that there is no consensuses of whether the passive representation always leads to the active one, the authors of the article keep a premise that most often the passive representation leads to the active one, but it may become a negative point if the passive representation is not the sharp one. While the local council is considered as a subject of public administration in Lithuania, the authors of the article choose to research how sharp the local council of Klaipëda represents the community of the city. The problem is relevant because the contemporary public policy is increasingly oriented towards the notion of public governance. Applying the casestudy method and analytical statistics, article analyzes the last four elections to the local council of Klaipëda. Due to the wide scope of the topic, the object of the research is divided into the four main structural components: representation of gender, nationality, age-group, and occupation. Additionally, the diversity effect is calculated applying the Blau index. The research proved that the passive representation in the local council is not the sharp one. Among all, the distinct domination of only two - business and education - occupational groups revealed that there are negative tendencies in the development of local democracy. Two of them are of the greatest menace: 1) prevailing of business leaders might lead to the market relationships in the processes of solving social problems, 2) governing may become available only for the privileged closed stratas what jeopardize the fading of democracy. Knowing that passive representation may lead to the active one, it is possible to envisage the predominance of the certain interests' implementation what leads to the so called asymmetry of democracy.

Object: mobbing in employee relations. Problem: what is mobbing employee relations spread in Lithuanian tourism organizations, and how to minimize the effects of internal organizational context? Goal: to investigate the expression of mobbing employee relations in Lithuanian tourism organizations. Objectives: 1. Review mobbing employee relations conceptual core; 2. Set mobbing employee relations resolution organizations; 3. To develop proposals for reducing the consequences of mobbing. Conclusions: 1. The review of the mobbing conceptual essence revealed severe negative social and economic consequences - mobbing, but can destroy the victim's mental health, depress the material standard of living, can damage reproductive health, cause behavioral problems, going far beyond offending basic human rights. 2. A high level of prevalence of mobbing has been found in the workplace: - both managers and employees, do not fully enjoy privacy and compete against each other, hindering their partnership in the overall work. - most managers do not necessarily cooperate with and assist peers, and are often biased. It was found that managers posted unnecessarily belittling evaluative decisions, do not recognize or try to correct their mistakes and errors. Most managers indifferent to the opinions of others. Workers miss respect from their managers. The results show that Lithuanian tourism sector has not nurtured culture of open communication, characterized by mutual respect, kindness, tolerance, and workplace democracy. 3. The following proposal have been set forth to prevent or mitigate mobbing at the workplace: changing workplace hierarchical relationships from vertical to horizontal, promoting organizations' managers and staff to adhere to the ethical and moral standards or codes of ethics, improving teamwork, creativity, and decision-making skills to promote democratic working environment, as well as creating a positive climate in the organization (esp. between managers and employees).

Object: mobbing in employee relations. Problem: what is mobbing employee relations spread in Lithuanian tourism organizations, and how to minimize the effects of internal organizational context? Goal: to investigate the expression of mobbing employee relations in Lithuanian tourism organizations. Objectives: 1. Review mobbing employee relations conceptual core; 2. Set mobbing employee relations resolution organizations; 3. To develop proposals for reducing the consequences of mobbing. Conclusions: 1. The review of the mobbing conceptual essence revealed severe negative social and economic consequences - mobbing, but can destroy the victim's mental health, depress the material standard of living, can damage reproductive health, cause behavioral problems, going far beyond offending basic human rights. 2. A high level of prevalence of mobbing has been found in the workplace: - both managers and employees, do not fully enjoy privacy and compete against each other, hindering their partnership in the overall work. - most managers do not necessarily cooperate with and assist peers, and are often biased. It was found that managers posted unnecessarily belittling evaluative decisions, do not recognize or try to correct their mistakes and errors. Most managers indifferent to the opinions of others. Workers miss respect from their managers. The results show that Lithuanian tourism sector has not nurtured culture of open communication, characterized by mutual respect, kindness, tolerance, and workplace democracy. 3. The following proposal have been set forth to prevent or mitigate mobbing at the workplace: changing workplace hierarchical relationships from vertical to horizontal, promoting organizations' managers and staff to adhere to the ethical and moral standards or codes of ethics, improving teamwork, creativity, and decision-making skills to promote democratic working environment, as well as creating a positive climate in the organization (esp. between managers and employees).

Object: mobbing in employee relations. Problem: what is mobbing employee relations spread in Lithuanian tourism organizations, and how to minimize the effects of internal organizational context? Goal: to investigate the expression of mobbing employee relations in Lithuanian tourism organizations. Objectives: 1. Review mobbing employee relations conceptual core; 2. Set mobbing employee relations resolution organizations; 3. To develop proposals for reducing the consequences of mobbing. Conclusions: 1. The review of the mobbing conceptual essence revealed severe negative social and economic consequences - mobbing, but can destroy the victim's mental health, depress the material standard of living, can damage reproductive health, cause behavioral problems, going far beyond offending basic human rights. 2. A high level of prevalence of mobbing has been found in the workplace: - both managers and employees, do not fully enjoy privacy and compete against each other, hindering their partnership in the overall work. - most managers do not necessarily cooperate with and assist peers, and are often biased. It was found that managers posted unnecessarily belittling evaluative decisions, do not recognize or try to correct their mistakes and errors. Most managers indifferent to the opinions of others. Workers miss respect from their managers. The results show that Lithuanian tourism sector has not nurtured culture of open communication, characterized by mutual respect, kindness, tolerance, and workplace democracy. 3. The following proposal have been set forth to prevent or mitigate mobbing at the workplace: changing workplace hierarchical relationships from vertical to horizontal, promoting organizations' managers and staff to adhere to the ethical and moral standards or codes of ethics, improving teamwork, creativity, and decision-making skills to promote democratic working environment, as well as creating a positive climate in the organization (esp. between managers and employees).

This doctoral dissertation analyzes the state and employers' policy and the experience of working parents in the process of family and work reconciliation. In Lithuania, society faces various obstacles regarding family and work reconciliation, and unbalanced reconciliation of family and work responsibilities has problematic consequences. According to working parents face a variety of problems that mainly raise due to: non-compliance with formal policies and non-compliance with the laws in the workplace; unfavorable informal policies; due to the legal regulation in the state. In Lithuania, laws regulate both legal and social protection for working parents and their families in the process of family and work reconciliation, however the state does not interfere too much in determining the work organization conditions relevant to the family-work process and in the relationships between employees and employers and leaves them free to find compromises for themselves. It means that institutional pressure is not strict and the rules give freedom to the non-formalization of policy. In the workplace, the most important agents are the employer as the head of the institution and the line manager, whose roles may overlap. It was determined that the final decision on (non)-application of family-friendly measures is usually made by line managers. It means that although there is institutional pressure from the state, implemented through formal state policy, and formal workplace policy, however, final decisions are made at the individual, informal level. Informal policies applied by line managers for employers in the workplace are much more significant than formal family-work policy measures implemented by the state, because they focus on solving specific problems in real-time and cover measures related to the work organization of employees and the allocation of their time. The experiences of working parents encourage manifestations of adaptation to employers' rules of the game. It reveals that employers are in a position of power and that the resulting distrust in the state leads to the need to shift more responsibility to employers and employees.

This doctoral dissertation analyzes the state and employers' policy and the experience of working parents in the process of family and work reconciliation. In Lithuania, society faces various obstacles regarding family and work reconciliation, and unbalanced reconciliation of family and work responsibilities has problematic consequences. According to working parents face a variety of problems that mainly raise due to: non-compliance with formal policies and non-compliance with the laws in the workplace; unfavorable informal policies; due to the legal regulation in the state. In Lithuania, laws regulate both legal and social protection for working parents and their families in the process of family and work reconciliation, however the state does not interfere too much in determining the work organization conditions relevant to the family-work process and in the relationships between employees and employers and leaves them free to find compromises for themselves. It means that institutional pressure is not strict and the rules give freedom to the non-formalization of policy. In the workplace, the most important agents are the employer as the head of the institution and the line manager, whose roles may overlap. It was determined that the final decision on (non)-application of family-friendly measures is usually made by line managers. It means that although there is institutional pressure from the state, implemented through formal state policy, and formal workplace policy, however, final decisions are made at the individual, informal level. Informal policies applied by line managers for employers in the workplace are much more significant than formal family-work policy measures implemented by the state, because they focus on solving specific problems in real-time and cover measures related to the work organization of employees and the allocation of their time. The experiences of working parents encourage manifestations of adaptation to employers' rules of the game. It reveals that employers are in a position of power and that the resulting distrust in the state leads to the need to shift more responsibility to employers and employees.

This doctoral dissertation analyzes the state and employers' policy and the experience of working parents in the process of family and work reconciliation. In Lithuania, society faces various obstacles regarding family and work reconciliation, and unbalanced reconciliation of family and work responsibilities has problematic consequences. According to working parents face a variety of problems that mainly raise due to: non-compliance with formal policies and non-compliance with the laws in the workplace; unfavorable informal policies; due to the legal regulation in the state. In Lithuania, laws regulate both legal and social protection for working parents and their families in the process of family and work reconciliation, however the state does not interfere too much in determining the work organization conditions relevant to the family-work process and in the relationships between employees and employers and leaves them free to find compromises for themselves. It means that institutional pressure is not strict and the rules give freedom to the non-formalization of policy. In the workplace, the most important agents are the employer as the head of the institution and the line manager, whose roles may overlap. It was determined that the final decision on (non)-application of family-friendly measures is usually made by line managers. It means that although there is institutional pressure from the state, implemented through formal state policy, and formal workplace policy, however, final decisions are made at the individual, informal level. Informal policies applied by line managers for employers in the workplace are much more significant than formal family-work policy measures implemented by the state, because they focus on solving specific problems in real-time and cover measures related to the work organization of employees and the allocation of their time. The experiences of working parents encourage manifestations of adaptation to employers' rules of the game. It reveals that employers are in a position of power and that the resulting distrust in the state leads to the need to shift more responsibility to employers and employees.

This doctoral dissertation analyzes the state and employers' policy and the experience of working parents in the process of family and work reconciliation. In Lithuania, society faces various obstacles regarding family and work reconciliation, and unbalanced reconciliation of family and work responsibilities has problematic consequences. According to working parents face a variety of problems that mainly raise due to: non-compliance with formal policies and non-compliance with the laws in the workplace; unfavorable informal policies; due to the legal regulation in the state. In Lithuania, laws regulate both legal and social protection for working parents and their families in the process of family and work reconciliation, however the state does not interfere too much in determining the work organization conditions relevant to the family-work process and in the relationships between employees and employers and leaves them free to find compromises for themselves. It means that institutional pressure is not strict and the rules give freedom to the non-formalization of policy. In the workplace, the most important agents are the employer as the head of the institution and the line manager, whose roles may overlap. It was determined that the final decision on (non)-application of family-friendly measures is usually made by line managers. It means that although there is institutional pressure from the state, implemented through formal state policy, and formal workplace policy, however, final decisions are made at the individual, informal level. Informal policies applied by line managers for employers in the workplace are much more significant than formal family-work policy measures implemented by the state, because they focus on solving specific problems in real-time and cover measures related to the work organization of employees and the allocation of their time. The experiences of working parents encourage manifestations of adaptation to employers' rules of the game. It reveals that employers are in a position of power and that the resulting distrust in the state leads to the need to shift more responsibility to employers and employees.

This doctoral dissertation analyzes the state and employers' policy and the experience of working parents in the process of family and work reconciliation. In Lithuania, society faces various obstacles regarding family and work reconciliation, and unbalanced reconciliation of family and work responsibilities has problematic consequences. According to working parents face a variety of problems that mainly raise due to: non-compliance with formal policies and non-compliance with the laws in the workplace; unfavorable informal policies; due to the legal regulation in the state. In Lithuania, laws regulate both legal and social protection for working parents and their families in the process of family and work reconciliation, however the state does not interfere too much in determining the work organization conditions relevant to the family-work process and in the relationships between employees and employers and leaves them free to find compromises for themselves. It means that institutional pressure is not strict and the rules give freedom to the non-formalization of policy. In the workplace, the most important agents are the employer as the head of the institution and the line manager, whose roles may overlap. It was determined that the final decision on (non)-application of family-friendly measures is usually made by line managers. It means that although there is institutional pressure from the state, implemented through formal state policy, and formal workplace policy, however, final decisions are made at the individual, informal level. Informal policies applied by line managers for employers in the workplace are much more significant than formal family-work policy measures implemented by the state, because they focus on solving specific problems in real-time and cover measures related to the work organization of employees and the allocation of their time. The experiences of working parents encourage manifestations of adaptation to employers' rules of the game. It reveals that employers are in a position of power and that the resulting distrust in the state leads to the need to shift more responsibility to employers and employees.