Suchergebnisse

Ante un contexto global hostil a la tradicional labor sindical en defensa de los intereses de los trabajadores, sus representantes han tenido que innovar en sus recursos de poder y estrategias, a la vez que han ganado nuevos aliados como son las organizaciones no gubernamentales de defensa de los derechos humanos. Estas transformaciones complejizan el estudio clásico sobre el concepto de representación de Hanna F. Pitkin y de corporativismo de Philippe Schmitter, a partir de lo cual en el artículo se presenta una propuesta de tipos de interacción y representación desarrollados en el mundo del trabajo, ilustrada con los casos de México y Centroamérica. El argumento central es que si bien tradicionalmente los sindicatos han detentado el monopolio en la representación formal de los intereses del mundo del trabajo, este tipo de intermediación ha perdido fuerza progresivamente en el contexto de la economía neoliberal y global, por lo que para sobrevivir han tenido que renovar sus recursos de poder, capacidades y estrategias.

The objective of the study is to comprehensively analyze the methods of intercultural mapping of communities as a tool for the municipal management of a multiethnic urban community and, thus, determine their effectiveness for the active construction of intercultural practices and reformatting of the urban culture space. The Intercultural Mapping Methodology, developed by the Council of Europe's Intercultural Cities Programme, includes tools such as the Intercultural Cities Index and the Intercultural Citizenship Test, as well as sociological and focus group studies, which further involve a wide range of active residents that identify tangible cultural and intangible values in cities. The use of this technique by the intercultural community of the Ukrainian city of Melitopol has proven its effectiveness as a mechanism to involve representatives of ethnic groups in cooperation with the municipal authorities for the joint development of the city's cultural policy. It is concluded that a comprehensive analysis of the results of the study allowed to determine the priorities and strategies of its development, cultural and creative resources of the territorial community, creating conditions and new opportunities for a dynamic, inclusive and democratic intercultural society.

In the present article, first of all, some of the most frequent objections against the programs of affirmative action are analysed, followed by an examination of the reasons stated by those who plead for them. Finally, are presented the criteria which have to be fulfilled within their implementation in order to meet the requirements of the diverse dimensions of justice. The theoretical framework which comes up meets, on the one hand, the criteria of a normative theory of justice, and, on the other hand, the update of a republican tradition which understands the political association as a community of free and equal citizens.

Se describe el nivel de discriminación percibida en el trabajo y el vecindario, y se estudia la relación que tiene con la depresión y la ira. La escala de Discriminación Temida y Percibida, el Inventario de Depresión de Beck y el Inventario de Rasgo-Estado-Expresión de Ira se aplicaron a una muestra no probabilística de 200 mujeres con VIH. Se percibe discriminación en el trabajo y el vecindario con mayor frecuencia que en la familia. La discriminación se relacionó más con depresión, no teniendo la ira un papel mediador la ira. Se concluye que prevenir la discriminación podría ser un factor protector de depresión en mujeres que viven con VIH.

Las sociedades globalizadas contemporáneas son, cada día más, sociedades plurales desde el punto de vista cultural y religioso. Frente a la diversidad, los Estados nacionales ensayan diferentes soluciones de regulación jurídica. Respuestas tales como la segregación o la asimilación total de los grupos minoritarios se muestran incompatibles con los estándares internacionales de derechos humanos. Dentro de las respuestas que sí son compatibles con esos estándares, pueden vislumbrarse dos líneas. Por un lado, un igualitarismo formal enraizado en la tradición liberal-republicana que resulta ciego a las particularidades identitarias en pos del mantenimiento de la igualdad formal. Por otro, las propuestas de reconocimiento de derechos en razón de la pertenencia a un determinado grupo identitario, ampliación que obliga sin embargo a renunciar a una parte del ideal de igualdad jurídica formal.

We want to share our experience in the constitution of an interdisciplinary and collaborative research group on the relationship between school, diversity and immigration in Catalunya, Spain. Our main purpose is to relate the perceptions and experiences based on our different educational experiences. Firstly teachers who work at the so called "aulas de acogida"—special resources directed to students of immigrant parents; secondly university researchers from pedagogy and psychology fields, thirdly, administrative staff who are mediating between educational policies and the practical reality of the schools, and finally the university and PhD students involved in our project.
These different voices allow us to interlace theoretical analyses with more practical others, as well as to delimit what kind of needs emerge from professional practice, and what tools seem to usefully facilititate our process. We believe that establishing bridges between university and schools is a fundamental aspect to promote a fruitful dialectical exchange. Therefore, we want to report our group's process and share our experiences in the analysis of these questions.

Este trabajo analiza el programa integracionista de Manuel Gamio en su obra Forjando Patria como un proyecto de nacionalidad surgido en el contexto histórico del México revolucionario, en el que la diversidad cultural se supeditaba a la idea de unidad. En primer lugar, se rastrea la relación del programa integracionista con sus antecedentes, las ideas de "mestizaje" y "mestizo" de fines del siglo XIX y principios del XX. Luego se analiza la influencia que el integracionismo de Gamio recibió de algunos modelos europeos de nacionalidad y cambio sociocultural en el contexto de la heterogeneidad socio-étnica del México de 1916. Finalmente, se hacen visibles los vínculos entre las concepciones de diversidad cultural, nación y nacionalismo en la obra del autor.

Objective: To analyze the contribution of family agriculture in the construction of peasant food strategies as a response to socio-productive problems in communities in the municipalities of Tenejapa and San Juan Cancuc, in the Tseltal region of Chiapas' Highlands. Methodology: The research is a case study that serves to characterize the strategies of social reproduction in a rural self-subsistence economy. The data were obtained through qualitative research techniques, including interviews, field visits, analysis of corn, coffee, honey and vegetable production systems, and focus group discussions. Results: It can be highlighted that agro-food diversity is the main strategy for social reproduction among self-subsistence farmers and that the most valued assets are land and production techniques, as well as the multifunctional nature of agriculture. Limitations: The study and its method can be a reference for analysis of social reproduction strategies in peasant families of indigenous peoples, specifically in contexts of self-subsistence economy. To analyze strategies of farming families with little economic or agricultural diversification, it is necessary to consider other variables and possibly complement the qualitative research method with other quantitative methods to quantify income, for example, a socioeconomic survey. Conclusions. The diversification of agriculture and family food is a viable method to strength social reproduction strategies among peasant families in an economic context of self-subsistence. The agro-food policies could take a multi-scalar approach.

The aim of this study is to defend that economic democracy can be legitimately understood as a form of political justice. To do so, I present a deontological argument for the extension of the democratic rights to the workplace & I defend it against Richard J. Arnesob's utilitarian and liberal criticisms (section 3). However given that I consider that philosophical arguments are context-sensitive, I begin with a brief description of the critical situation concerning the economic and political background of Western consolidated democracies -- a situation that justifies the renewed interest in economic democracy. a situation that justifies the renewed interest in economic democracy (section 1). Then, I analyze the theoretical ambivalences related to the concept of economic democracy. These ambivalences arise from a long background of participative experiences in the workplace, some of them frequently driven by workers, but some others occasionally driven by capitalists or their agents (section 2). Adapted from the source document.