Suchergebnisse

U četvrtom godištu "Jevrejskog Almanaha" iz 1927 godine dr Leopold Fischer objavio je jedan deo građe o jevrejskoj dijaspori koju je prikupljao dugi niz godina iz mnogobrojnih knjiga, časopisa, rasprava i članaka. Opisao je jevrejsko stanovništvo u nekoliko zemalja Azije, njihov politički i društveni položaj, način života i istoriju njihovog naseljavanja. U ovom članku nastavlja sa opisom jevrejske dijaspore u zemljama istočne Azije i Jevrejima tih zemalja o čijoj se sudbini i životu kod nas malo zna. Prva zemlja koju opisuje je Indija, velika zemlja u kojoj žive brojni Jevreji naseljeni po različitim delovima. U Indiji tri grupe Jevreja: beli Jevreji, crni Jevreji i Beni Izrael (Deca Izraela). Ove tri grupe indijskih Jevreja žive svaka zasebno u različitim oblastima zemlje. O Jevrejima ostalih predela Indije koji su doseljenici iz evropskih, persijskih, arapskih i drugih zemalja zna se vrlo malo. I na Malajskom arhipelagu odnosno Indoneziji kao i na ostrvima između Azije i Australije ima Jevreja, ali samo u malom broju. Jevreja ima i u Nizozemskoj Indiji i bivšoj francuskoj koloniji Košinšin (deo Indokine). Naseljavanje Jevreja u Kini, koje je verovatno započelo još u vreme Prvog hrama, izuzetno je zanimljiva tema za istraživanje dela jevrejstva koje se nastanilo u ovoj velikoj zemlji. Iako su Jevreji Kine jedna od najviše istraživanih tema o kojoj su mnogi pisali i raspravljali i dalje postoje veom različita mišljenja o njihovom poreklu o kojima nas informiše autor. Na kraju dr Fisher daje nekoliko kratkih informacija o Jevrejima Japana. U odnosu na druge zemlje sveta, u Japanu živi najmanji broj jevrejskog stanovništa. Jevreji su se doselili u Japan početkom XX veka, naročito za vreme rusko-japanskog rata. ; In the fourth volume of the "Jewish Almanac" from 1927, Dr. Leopold Fischer published a part of the material on the Jewish diaspora, which he collected for many years from numerous books, magazines, discussions, and articles. He described the Jewish population in several Asian countries, their political and social position, way of life, and the history of their settlement. In this article, he continues with a description of the Jewish diaspora in the countries of East Asia and the Jews of those countries whose fate and life are little known in our country. The first country he describes is India, a large country inhabited by many Jews living in different parts. In India, there are three groups of Jews: white Jews, black Jews, and Beni Izrael (Bnei Yisra'el). These three groups of Indian Jews live separately in different areas of the country. Very little is known about Jews from other parts of India who are immigrants from European, Persian, Arab and other countries. There are Jews in the Malay Archipelago and Indonesia, as well as on the islands between Asia and Australia, but only in small numbers. There are also Jews in Dutch India and the former French colony of Cochinchina (Cochin-China- part of Indochina). The settlement of Jews in China, which probably began during the time of the First Temple, is an extremely interesting topic for researching the part of Judaism that settled in this great country. Although the Jews of China are one of the most researched topics that many have written and discussed, there are still very different opinions about their origins that the author informs us about. Finally, Dr. Fisher gives some brief information about the Jews of Japan. Compared to other countries in the world, Japan has the smallest Jewish population. Jews immigrated to Japan in the early twentieth century, especially during the Russo-Japanese War.

U petom godištu "Jevrejskog Almanaha" iz 1929 godine dr Leopold Fischer objavio je treći deo iz građe o jevrejskoj dijaspori koju je prikupljao dugi niz godina iz mnogobrojnih knjiga, časopisa, rasprava i članaka. U prva dva dela opisao je jevrejsko stanovništvo u nekoliko zemalja Azije, njihov politički i društveni položaj, način života i istoriju njihovog naseljavanja. U ovom članku nastavlja sa opisom jevrejske dijaspore u zemljama Afrike. Najveći deo opisa posvećen je Egiptu u kome je nekada bila kolevka jevrejskog naroda. U kratkom istorijskom pregledu dr Fisher navodi da je posle izlaska jevrejskog naroda iz zemlje u kojoj su bili robovi, Egipat vekovima ostao bez Jevreja. Posle razorenja Jerusalema 586. godine mnogobrojni Jevreji na čelu sa prorokom Jeremijom, izbegli su u Egipat i tamo osnovali prve jevrejske opštine. Od tog vremena Jevreji se kontinuirano naseljavaju, nekada u manjem broju a nekada u većim talasima u zavisnosti od istorijskih okolnosti, kao što je bio izgon iz Španije. Jevreji koji žive u Egiptu nisu ujedinjeni ni kulturno ni jezički ni društveno i mogu se podeliti u dve grupe - na egipatske i na evropske Jevreje. Egipatski Jevreji čine nadmoćnu većinu Jevreja u zemlji. Oni se opet dele na dve grupe: arapske Jevreje koji govore naročitim narečjem arapskog jezika, i španske Jevreje koji govore španski. Obe grupe čine "Sefardim". Oni su u čvrsto povezani sa političkim, društvenim i privrednim životom Egipta, veoma su imućni i pripadaju elitnom društvu Egipta. Mnogo manja grupa evropskih Jevreja je raznolika. Sastavljena je od italijanskih, grčkih, francuskih i austrijskih Jevreji kao i od jedne male istočno-jevrejske grupa, koja se naziva "Aškenazim" i govori jidiš. Iako Jevreji Egipta govore zvaničnim arapskim jezikom, u krugu porodice govore na jevrejsko-arapskom, španskom, jidišu, ili na jeziku zemlje iz koje su došli. Kairo i Aleksandrija imaju mnogobrojne sinagoge a osim javnih postoje i privatne sinagoge. Dr Fisher ističe da su i neke poznate jevrejske ličnosti živele ili posećivale Egipat kao npr. Majmonides po kome je glavna sinagoga u orijentalnoj četvrti dobila naziv. Interesantan je opis običaja pojedinih grupa, njihove nošnje, obrazovanja i kulturnog života a posebno položaja žena koji je isto tako nepovoljan kao i u njihovom arapskom okruženju. Osim u Egiptu Jevreji su se naselili i u drugim zemljama Severne Afrike. Dr Fischer prikazuje iscrpan istorijat njihovog doseljavanja a posebno govori o "belim" Jevrejima koji žive dublje prema unutrašnjosti Afrike sve do ekvatora. Čak i u oazama čitave severnoafričke Sahare ima mnogo Jevreja koji su uspeli da ostanu homogeni u mnogo brojnijem okruženju berberskog stanovništva. ; In the fifth year of the "Jewish Almanac" from 1929, Dr. Leopold Fischer published the third part of the material on the Jewish diaspora, which he collected for many years from numerous books, magazines, discussions, and articles. In the first two parts, he described the Jewish population in several Asian countries, their political and social position, way of life, and the history of their settlement. In this article, he continues with a description of the Jewish diaspora in African countries. Most of the description is dedicated to Egypt, which was once the cradle of the Jewish people. In a brief historical review, Dr. Fischer states that after the Jewish people left the country where they were slaves, Egypt was left without Jews for centuries. After the destruction of Jerusalem in 586, many Jews, led by the prophet Jeremiah, fled to Egypt and founded the first Jewish communities there. Since that time, Jews have been continuously settling, sometimes in smaller numbers and sometimes in larger waves depending on historical circumstances, such as the expulsion from Spain. Jews living in Egypt are not united culturally, linguistically, or socially and can be divided into two groups - Egyptian and European Jews. Egyptian Jews make up the vast majority of Jews in the country and they are divided into two groups: Arab Jews who speak a special dialect of Arabic, and Spanish Jews who speak Spanish. Both groups make up "Sephardim". They are firmly connected with the political, social, and economic life of Egypt, are very wealthy, and belong to the elite society of Egypt. A much smaller group of European Jews is diverse. It is composed of Italian, Greek, French and Austrian Jews as well as a small East Jewish group, called "Ashkenazim" and speaks Yiddish. Although the Jews of Egypt speak the official Arabic language, in the family circle they speak Hebrew-Arabic, Spanish, Yiddish, or the language of the country they came from. Cairo and Alexandria have numerous synagogues and in addition to public synagogues, there are also private synagogues. Dr. Fisher points out that some famous Jewish personalities also lived or visited Egypt, such as Maimonides, after whom the main synagogue in the oriental quarter was named. It is interesting to describe the customs of certain groups, their costumes, education, and cultural life, and especially the position of women, which is just as unfavorable as in their Arab environment. Apart from Egypt, Jews also settled in other North African countries. Dr. Fischer presents an exhaustive history of their immigration and especially talks about "white" Jews who live deeper into the interior of Africa all the way to the equator. Even in the oases of the entire North African Sahara, there are many Jews who have managed to remain homogeneous in the much larger environment of the Berber population.

Why do governments form institutions devoted to emigrants and their descendants in the diaspora? Such institutions have become a regular feature of political life in many parts of the world: Over half all United Nations Member States now have one. Diaspora institutions merit research because they connect new developments in the global governance of migration with new patterns of national and transnational sovereignty and citizenship, and new ways of constructing individual identity in relation to new collectivities. But these institutions are generally overlooked. Migration policy is still understood as immigration policy, and research on diaspora institutions has been fragmented, case-study dominated, and largely descriptive. In this article, I review and extend the relevant theoretical literature and highlight empirical research priorities. I argue that existing studies focus too exclusively on national-level interests and ideas to explain how individual states tap diaspora resources and embrace these groups within the nation-state. However, these approaches cannot explain the global spread of diaspora institutions. This, I argue, requires a comparative approach and greater attention to the role of efforts to create a coherent but decentralized system of global governance in the area of international migration.

The purpose of this paper is to present a preliminary discussion in the body of this periodical in
order to articulate other points of view mainly associated to the themes: development and society,
in Brazil. The discursive form privileged in this article sought to match the interdisciplinary or
multidisciplinary aspect proposed by the editorial line and by such way, as much as possible, from
the sociohistoriographical aproach present in the reflections and analysis. Thus, two fundamental
concepts are presented, namely, the Brazilian diaspora and the African-Amerindian diaspora.
These concepts allow a reinterpretation of the Social and Cultural and Social Brazilian History,
especially when some aspects of Brazilian geopolitics are reconsidered, the recovery of the
territories and the struggle for the demarcation of the Amerindian and quilombola territories.

"The recent emphasis on the link between development and diasporic activities does not only reflect social changes, like the increase in migrant remittances, but also facilitates the building of institutions for the political and social inclusion of migrants in their country of origin. This article shows that the Ghanaian 'diaspora' is not a social unit that predated the new discourse on transcontinental labour migration but rather emerged in its course. Institutional slots were created for Ghanaian migrant associations and individuals in the receiving countries to act as representatives of the Ghanaian 'diaspora'. In this framework transnational development rituals have become an important means for legitimising migrant organisations and their claims to political participation in their country of origin. The postcolonial imaginary of development and its icons, in particular hospitals, schools and public infrastructure, provide a symbolical background against which migrants and state representatives re-negotiate questions of social status, citizenship and identity. The symbolical power of the discourse of development and diaspora helps to reconfigure older discourses of belonging and citizenship and to adapt them to the conditions of transnational mass migration." (author's abstract)

This case study explores the insider-outsider divide in fieldwork situations when researchers and informants may occupy hybrid positions. The paper draws from the autho?s multi-sited fieldwork experience with individuals from Bosnia and Herzegovina in Europe as well as in a post-conflict setting, Bosnia and Herzegovina. Through interviews with conflict-generated diaspora as well as local and returnee populations, the influence of language and local ties in the community and country of origin are juxtaposed with experiences in countries of settlement, especially in relation to diaspora mobilization. The work provides practical guidance, explores inherent challenges and advantages of using such methodologies, and argues a strategic approach and reflexivity should be carefully considered not only when building research designs but throughout the research process as well.